• Pourquoi regarde-t-on la vidéo d’un homme qui en massacre d’autres ?
    https://www.affordance.info/mon_weblog/2019/03/video-massacre.html

    La vidéo du massacre de Christchurch en Nouvelle-Zélande s’est produite le 15 mars. Elle était encore en ligne le 16 mars au matin à 8h30 sur Twitter. Le lendemain de l’attentat. Elle était même la première qui ressortait lorsque l’on cliquait sur le hashtag #Christchurch dans l’onglet vidéo. Facebook de son côté avait, au moins en surface, effectué un premier travail d’invisibilisation, d’obfuscation de la vidéo du massacre. Le gouvernement britannique a demandé aux réseaux sociaux mais également à des (...)

    #Facebook #algorithme #filtrage

    https://www.affordance.info/.a/6a00d8341c622e53ef0240a49598c8200b-600wi

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  • L’intelligence artificielle : un instrument de puissance ?
    https://www.arte.tv/fr/videos/083964-008-A/le-dessous-des-cartes

    Depuis la mise au point de la machine à décrypter les messages d’Alan Turing, l’intelligence artificielle a fait de gigantesques progrès. Elle se décline aujourd’hui en logiciels pour traders, en robots ménagers, en assistants numériques, et demain, sans doute, en voitures autonomes. Tour d’horizon des États et des géants du numérique qui ont pris la mesure des formidables enjeux de (...)

    #Alibaba #Apple #Google #Microsoft #Tencent #Xiaomi #Alibaba.com #Amazon #Baidu #Facebook #Xiaonei #algorithme #bracelet #CCTV #domotique #drone #élections #manipulation #biométrie #données #militarisation #BigData #marketing #surveillance #vidéo-surveillance #Five_Eyes (...)

    ##SocialCreditSystem
    https://static-cdn.arte.tv/resize/Ug688zAgSmxtRD7cUmWs74GDdhM=/1920x1080/smart/filters:strip_icc()/apios/Img_data/cache-buster-1550741789/11/083964-008-A_2670198.jpg

    https://seenthis.net/messages/767633 via etraces


  • La Police communique : "Gilets Jaunes : plongée dans une cellule spécialisée qui traque les casseurs"

    "À Rouen, les policiers de la « cellule spéciale d’enquête » dissèquent les vidéos des manifestations pour identifier les auteurs de violences parmi les Gilets jaunes."
    http://www.leparisien.fr/faits-divers/gilets-jaunes-plongee-dans-une-cellule-specialisee-qui-traque-les-casseur
    http://s1.lprs1.fr/images/2019/03/14/8031807_f15d15da-4667-11e9-9bef-685401601fa7-1.jpg

    Ces enquêtes par l’image débutent par la moisson de tous les clichés disponibles jusqu’à saturation des disques durs d’ordinateur. Photos des services de renseignement, films pris d’hélicoptères, vidéosurveillance municipale… Et, surtout, séquences diffusées par les manifestants via les réseaux sociaux, souvent les plus instructives.

    /.../

    « Nous avons visionné toutes images tournées parfois très en amont ou bien après les faits », décrypte Sylvain, le chef de la cellule. Les regards s’attardent sur les détails vestimentaires et l’instant où, à distance, les assaillants, ôtent leurs masques de protection. Des échanges téléphoniques suspects sont isolés parmi 96 000 conversations. Au terme des investigations, 7 personnes sont convoquées au commissariat le 6 mars. Des hommes vivant du RSA, ou sans profession, âgés de 25 à 30 ans, auxquels s’est joint un ouvrier sexagénaire.

    Ce ne sont pas des militants politiques mais des manifestants représentatifs de la sociologie des Gilets jaunes, tirant au quotidien le diable par la queue, entraînés par l’effet de foule (*). Trois d’entre eux soulignent qu’ils n’avaient pas conscience de s’en prendre à des journalistes. Ils croyaient, jurent-ils, frapper des policiers, comme si cette ligne de défense était de nature à minimiser la portée des violences. Cinq suspects seront jugés le 10 avril.

    /.../

    « Ce soir-là, un équipage de police est appelé pour des violences entre conjoints. Lorsque les collègues arrivent sur place, ils se retrouvent face à deux jeunes chômeurs alcoolisés(*). Pour se venger de son compagnon, la jeune femme leur lance : la Caisse d’Épargne, le 5 janvier, c’est lui », témoigne le commissaire de Golmard. Tout collait. Convoqués au tribunal, Audrey et Christopher ont été condamnés à trois mois de prison ferme pour lui, à du sursis pour elle.

    (*) pas mal pour un article qui axe tout sur la prévention face aux casseurs : tous les cas expliqués concernent ... des gens lambda ... évidemment !

    #fichage #communication #manipulation #police #enquête #réseaux-sociaux #commentaires_à_vomir

    https://seenthis.net/messages/767471 via ¿’ ValK.



  • Le film sur Fukushima censuré à Cosne-sur-Loire par la centrale <span class="caps">EDF</span>
    https://reporterre.net/Le-film-sur-Fukushima-censure-a-Cosne-sur-Loire-par-la-centrale-EDF
    https://reporterre.net/IMG/arton16914.jpg

    Un film sur la catastrophe nucléaire de #Fukushima a été censuré, dans la Nièvre. À #Cosne-sur-Loire, à l’occasion de la sortie du film Fukushima le couvercle du soleil, mercredi 6 mars, l’association Sortir du nucléaire avait prévu une rencontre/débat autour du film. « On a appris par le gérant du cinéma de Cosne la sortie nationale de ce #film. Donc évidemment, on a sauté dessus, raconte Françoise Pouzet, l’une des militantes. Avec la boîte de distribution, il a été possible d’avoir deux intervenants japonais, on avait tout calé. »

    L’association Sortir du nucléaire a déjà programmé des films dans ce petit cinéma de deux salles au bord de la Loire. Il paraissait donc normal, pour l’association antinucléaire, d’y commémorer les huit ans de la catastrophe de Fukushima.

    Les tracts sont imprimés, les affiches placardées. Mais dix jours avant l’événement, le gérant du cinéma est convoqué à la mairie. La centrale nucléaire de Belleville-sur-Loire, à 15 kilomètres de là, a fait savoir qu’elle ne voulait pas de cette rencontre. « Cosne-sur-Loire reçoit, comme toutes les communes qui sont impactées par EDF, des subventions, notamment pour le festival des Avant-premières à Cosne et pour le projet de la municipalité de faire une troisième salle de cinéma à l’Eden », décrypte Françoise Pouzet.

    #censure #nucléaire #privatisation

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  • *Cédric Leterme : Pour une fiscalité juste… et transformatrice ? (Alternatives sud : Quelle justice fiscale pour le Sud)*

    L’injustice fiscale a atteint des niveaux record à l’échelle de la planète. Dans les pays du Sud, les conséquences de l’évasion et de la concurrence fiscales se doublent de fiscalités nationales particulièrement régressives. Le constat semble aujourd’hui largement partagé, mais les solutions, elles, continuent de diviser.

    https://entreleslignesentrelesmots.blog/2019/03/11/cedric-leterme-pour-une-fiscalite-juste-et-transformatr

    #fiscalité


  • Les Coups de leurs Privilèges

    En #France, chaque année, entre 10 et 15 personnes non-armées meurent pendant ou suite à une interpellation par les #forces_de_l’ordre. Dans la majorité des cas, il s’agit de personnes issues de la colonisation ou de l’esclavage, vivant dans les #quartiers_populaires. Les policiers sont rarement jugés, et lorsque c’est le cas, ils écopent d’une peine symbolique ou de quelques mois de sursis, ce qui n’a aucun impact sur leur carrière professionnelle. Ce film traite de deux affaires : celle de #Wissam_El-Yamni, décédé suite à une interpellation le 1er janvier 2012 à Clermont-Ferrand, et celle de #Morad_Touat, décédé le 4 avril 2014 à Marseille.
    Il rend hommage aux luttes de l’immigration qui ont eu lieu depuis les années 60 jusqu’à aujourd’hui sur cette question, et analyse le rôle de la police dans le système de socio-apartheid français.

    http://www.cinemeteque.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/01/les-coups-de-leurs-privileges-affiche.jpg

    http://www.cinemeteque.com/film/les-coups-de-leurs-privileges
    #film #violences_policières #impunité #luttes #résistance #justice
    #Sabrina_Chebbi
    ping @davduf

    https://seenthis.net/messages/766082 via CDB_77


  • Vers un blackout de Wikipédia en Europe pour protester contre la directive Copyright ?
    https://www.numerama.com/politique/470389-vers-un-blackout-de-wikipedia-en-europe-pour-protester-contre-la-di

    Pour protester contre la directive Copyright, l’encyclopédie Wikipédia sera inaccessible en Allemagne le 21 mars. Un blackout qui pourrait faire boule de neige en Europe. Va-t-on de nouveau assister à une vague de fermetures parmi les différentes versions de Wikipédia pour protester contre la proposition de directive européenne sur le droit d’auteur ? Outre-Rhin, les bénévoles contribuant à la déclinaison germanique de l’encyclopédie libre et gratuite ont en tout cas décidé de couper l’accès aux (...)

    #wikipedia #censure #filtrage #législation #copyright #WikimediaFoundation

    //c0.lestechnophiles.com/www.numerama.com/content/uploads/2018/07/european_parliament_empty_plenary_strasbourg_neon.jpg

    https://seenthis.net/messages/766080 via etraces


  • Google n’aurait pas vraiment arrêté de travailler sur son moteur de recherche censuré pour la Chine
    https://www.numerama.com/politique/469698-google-naurait-pas-vraiment-arrete-de-travailler-sur-son-moteur-de-

    Des modifications récentes dans du code informatique laissent à penser que Google n’a pas tout à fait abandonné son projet controversé de moteur de recherche censuré pour la Chine. Google a-t-il vraiment mis un terme au projet Dragonfly (libellule en anglais), nom de code donné au projet de moteur de recherche censuré pour la Chine, ou continue-t-il de s’en occuper ? Alors que cette histoire semblait terminée depuis décembre, le site The Intercept, qui a été le premier à révéler l’été dernier (...)

    #Google #GoogleSearch #Dragonfly #censure #filtrage #web #surveillance

    //c2.lestechnophiles.com/www.numerama.com/content/uploads/2019/03/chine-mao.jpg

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  • Old Palestinian photos & films hidden in IDF archive show different history than Israeli claims
    https://i1.wp.com/israelpalestinenews.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/LootedFilms.png?resize=728%2C410&ssl=1#.jpg

    Palestinian photos and films seized by Israeli troops have been gathering dust in the army and Defense Ministry archives until Dr. Rona Sela, a curator and art historian, exposed them. The material presents an alternative to the Zionist history that denied the Palestinians’ existence here, she says.

    The initial reaction is one of incredulity: Why is this material stored in the Israel Defense Forces and Defense Ministry Archive? The first item is labeled, in Hebrew, “The History of Palestine from 1919,” the second, “Paintings by Children Who Go to School and Live in a Refugee Camp and Aspire to Return to Palestine.” The third is, “Depiction of the IDF’s Treatment and Harsh Handling of Palestinians in the Territories.”

    Of all places, these three reels of 16-mm film are housed in the central archive that documents Israel’s military-security activities. It’s situated in Tel Hashomer, near the army’s National Induction Center, outside Tel Aviv.

    IDF archive contains 2.7 million photos, 38,000 films

    The three items are barely a drop in an ocean of some 38,000 films, 2.7 million photographs, 96,000 audio recordings and 46,000 maps and aerial photos that have been gathered into the IDF Archive since 1948, by order of Israel’s first prime minister and defense minister, David Ben-Gurion. However, a closer perusal shows that this particular “drop in the ocean” is subversive, exceptional and highly significant.

    The footage in question is part of a collection – whose exact size and full details remain unknown – of “war booty films” seized by the IDF from Palestinian archives in raids over the years, though primarily in the 1982 Lebanon War.

    Recently, however, following a persistent, protracted legal battle, the films confiscated in Lebanon, which had been gathering dust for decades – instead of being screened in cinematheques or other venues in Israel – have been rescued from oblivion, along with numerous still photos. The individual responsible for this development is Dr. Rona Sela, a curator and researcher of visual history at Tel Aviv University.

    For nearly 20 years, Sela has been exploring Zionist and Palestinian visual memory. She has a number of important revelations and discoveries to her credit, which she has published in the form of books, catalogs and articles. Among the Hebrew-language titles are “Photography in Palestine/Eretz-Israel in the ‘30s and ‘40s” (2000) and “Made Public: Palestinian Photographs in Military Archives in Israel” (2009). In March, she published an article in the English-language periodical Social Semiotics on, “The Genealogy of Colonial Plunder and Erasure – Israel’s Control over Palestinian Archives.”

    Now Sela has made her first film, “Looted and Hidden: Palestinian Archives in Israel,” an English-language documentary that surveys the fate of Palestinian photographs and films that were “captured” and deposited in Israeli archives. It includes heretofore unseen segments from films seized by the IDF from Palestinian archives in Beirut. These documentary records, Sela says, “were erased from consciousness and history” for decades.

    Sela begins journey in 1998

    Getting access to the films was not easy, Sela explains. Her archival journey began in 1998, when she was researching Zionist propaganda films and photos that sought to portray the “new Jew” – muscular, proudly tilling the soil – in contradistinction, according to the Zionist perception, to the supposedly degenerate and loutish Palestinian Arab.

    “After spending a few years in the Central Zionist Archive in Jerusalem and in other Zionist archives, researching the history of Zionist photography and the construction of a visual propaganda apparatus supporting the Zionist idea, I started to look for Palestinian visual representation as well, in order to learn about the Palestinian narrative and trace its origins and influence,” she says.

    That task was far more complicated than anyone could have imagined. In some of the Zionist films and photos, Sela was able to discern, often incidentally, episodes from Palestinian history that had “infiltrated” them, as she puts it. For example, in Carmel Newsreels (weekly news footage screened at local cinemas) from 1951, showing the settlement of Jews in Jaffa, demolished and abandoned Arab homes are clearly visible.

    Subsequently, Sela spotted traces and remnants of a genuine Palestinian visual archive occasionally cropping up in Israeli archives. Those traces were not immediately apparent, more like an elusive treasure concealed here and there beneath layers of restrictions, erasures and revisions.

    Khalil Rassass, father of Palestinian photojournalism

    Thus, one day she noticed in the archive of the pre-state Haganah militia, stills bearing the stamp “Photo Rissas.” Digging deeper, she discovered the story of Chalil Rissas (Khalil Rassass, 1926-1974), one of the fathers of Palestinian photojournalism. He’s unknown to the general public, whether Palestinian or Israel, but according to Sela, he was a “daring, groundbreaking photographer” who, motivated by a sense of national consciousness, documented the pre-1948 Palestinian struggle.

    Subsequently she found hundreds of his photographs, accompanied by captions written by soldiers or Israeli archive staff who had tried to foist a Zionist narrative on them and disconnect them from their original context. The source of the photographs was a Jewish youth who received them from his father, an IDF officer who brought them back with him from the War of Independence as booty.

    The discovery was unprecedented. In contrast to the Zionist propaganda images that exalted the heroism of the Jewish troops and barely referred to the Palestinians, Rissas’ photographs were mainly of Palestinian fighters. Embodying a proud Palestinian stance, they focused on the national and military struggle and its outcome, including the Palestinians’ military training and deployment for battle.

    “I realized that I’d come across something significant, that I’d found a huge cache of works by one of the fathers of Palestinian photography, who had been the first to give visual expression to the Palestinian struggle,” Sela recalls. “But when I tried to learn more about Chalil Rissas, I understood that he was a forgotten photographer, that no one knew the first thing about him, either in Israel or elsewhere.”

    Sela thereupon decided to study the subject herself. In 1999, she tracked down Rissas’ brother, Wahib, who was working as a photographer of tourists on the Temple Mount / Haram a-Sharif in Jerusalem’s Old City. He told her the story of Chalil’s life. It turned out that he had accompanied Palestinian troops and leaders, visually documenting the battles fought by residents of the Jerusalem area during the 1948 War of Independence. “He was a young man who chose the camera as an instrument for changing people’s consciousness,” Sela says.

    Ali Za’arur, forgotten Palestinian photographer

    Around 2007, she discovered the archive of another forgotten Palestinian photographer, Ali Za’arur (1900-1972), from Azzariyeh, a village east of Jerusalem. About 400 of his photos were preserved in four albums. They also depicted scenes from the 1948 war, in which Za’arur accompanied the forces of Jordan’s Arab Legion and documented the battle for the Old City of Jerusalem. He photographed the dead, the ruins, the captives, the refugees and the events of the cease-fire.

    In the Six-Day War of 1967, Za’arur fled from his home for a short time. When he returned, he discovered that the photo albums had disappeared. A relative, it emerged, had given them to Jerusalem Mayor Teddy Kollek as a gift. Afterward, the Jerusalem Foundation donated them to the IDF Archive. In 2008, in an unprecedented act, the archive returned the albums to Za’arur’s family. The reason, Sela surmises, is that the albums were captured by the army in battle. In any event, this was, as far as is known, a unique case.

    Sela took heart from the discoveries she’d made, realizing that “with systematic work, it would be possible to uncover more Palestinian archives that ended up in Israeli hands.”

    That work was three-pronged: doing archival research to locate Palestinian photographs and films that had been incorporated into Israeli archives; holding meetings with the Palestinian photographers themselves, or members of their families; and tracking down Israeli soldiers who had taken part in “seizing these visual spoils” and in bringing them to Israel.

    In the course of her research Sela met some fascinating individuals, among them Khadijeh Habashneh, a Jordan-based Palestinian filmmaker who headed the archive and cinematheque of the Palestinian Cinema Institute. That institution, which existed from the end of the 1960s until the early ‘80s, initially in Jordan and afterward in Lebanon, was founded by three pioneering Palestinian filmmakers – Sulafa Jadallah, Hani Jawhariyyeh and Mustafa Abu Ali (Habashneh’s husband) – who sought to document their people’s way of life and national struggle. Following the events of Black September in 1970, when the Jordanian army and the Palestine Liberation Organization fought a bloody internecine war, the filmmakers moved to Lebanon and reestablished the PCI in Beirut.

    Meeting with Habashneh in Amman in 2013, Sela heard the story of the Palestinian archives that disappeared, a story she included in her new documentary. “Where to begin, when so much material was destroyed, when a life project falls apart?” Habashneh said to Sela. “I can still see these young people, pioneers, bold, imbued with ideals, revolutionaries, who created pictures and films and documented the Palestinian revolution that the world doesn’t want to see. They refused to be faceless and to be without an identity.”

    The archive established by Habashneh contained forgotten works that documented the Palestinians’ suffering in refugee camps, the resistance to Israel and battles against the IDF, as well as everyday life. The archive contained the films and the raw materials of the PCI filmmakers, but also collected other early Palestinian films, from both before and after 1948.

    Spirit of liberation

    This activity reflects “a spirit of liberation and revolt and the days of the revolution,” Habashneh says in Sela’s film, referring to the early years of the Palestinian national movement. That spirit was captured in underground photographs and with a minimal budget, on film that was developed in people’s kitchens, screened in tents in refugee camps and distributed abroad. Women, children, fighters, intellectuals and cultural figures, and events of historic importance were documented, Habashneh related. “As far as is known, this was the first official Palestinian visual archive,” Sela notes.

    In her conversation with Sela, Habashneh nostalgically recalled other, better times, when the Palestinian films were screened in a Beirut cinematheque, alongside other works with a “revolutionary spirit,” from Cuba, Chile, Vietnam and elsewhere. “We were in contact with filmmakers from other countries, who saw the camera as an instrument in the hands of the revolution and the people’s struggle,” she recalled.

    “Interesting cultural cooperation developed there, centering around revolutionary cinema,” Sela points out, adding, “Beirut was alive with an unprecedented, groundbreaking cultural flowering that was absolutely astonishing in terms of its visual significance.”

    IDF confiscates film archive

    But in 1982, after the IDF entered Beirut, that archive disappeared and was never seen again. The same fate befell two films made by Habashneh herself, one about children, the other about women. In Sela’s documentary, Habashneh wonders aloud about the circumstances in which the amazing collection disappeared. “Is our fate to live a life without a past? Without a visual history?” she asks. Since then, she has managed to reconstruct a small part of the archive. Some of the films turned up in the United States, where they had been sent to be developed. Copies of a few others remained in movie theaters in various countries where they were screened. Now in her seventies, Habashneh continues to pursue her mission, even though, as she told Sela during an early conversation, “the fate of the archive remains a puzzle.”

    What Habashneh wasn’t able to accomplish beginning in 1982 as part of a worldwide quest, Sela managed to do over the course of a few years of research in Israel. She began by locating a former IDF soldier who told her about the day on which several trucks arrived at the building in Beirut that housed a number of Palestinian archives and began to empty it out. That testimony, supported by a photograph, was crucial for Sela, as it corroborated the rumors and stories about the Palestinian archives having been taken to Israel.

    The same soldier added that he had been gripped by fear when he saw, among the photos that were confiscated from the archive, some that documented Israeli soldiers in the territories. He himself appeared in one of them. “They marked us,” he said to Sela.

    Soldiers loot Nashashibi photos & possessions, take photo from corpse

    Another former soldier told Sela about an unusual photo album that was taken (or looted, depending on one’s point of view) from the home of the prominent Nashashibi family in Jerusalem, in 1948. The soldier added that his father, who had served as an IDF officer in the War of Independence, entered a photography studio and made off with its archive, while other soldiers were busy looting pianos and other expensive objects from the Nashashibis. Another ex-soldier testified to having taken a photo from the corpse of an Arab. Over time, all these images found their way to archives in Israel, in particular the IDF Archive.

    Sela discovers IDF archive

    In 2000, Sela, buoyed by her early finds, requested permission from that archive to examine the visual materials that had been seized by the army in the 1980s. The initial response was denial: The material was not in Israel’s hands, she was told.

    “But I knew what I was looking for, because I had soldiers’ testimonies,” she says now, adding that when she persisted in her request, she encountered “difficulties, various restrictions and the torpedoing of the possibility of perusing the material.”

    The breakthrough came when she enlisted the aid of attorneys Michael Sfard and Shlomi Zacharia, in 2008. To begin with, they received word, confirmed by the Defense Ministry’s legal adviser, that various spoils taken in Beirut were now part of the IDF Archive. However, Sela was subsequently informed that “the PLO’s photography archive,” as the Defense Ministry referred in general to photographic materials taken from the Palestinians, is “archival material on matters of foreign affairs and security, and as such is ‘restricted material’ as defined in Par. 7(a) of the Archives Regulations.”

    Then, one day in 2010, Sela received a fax informing her that Palestinian films had been found in the IDF Archive, without elaboration, and inviting her to view them. “There were a few dozen segments from films, and I was astonished by what I saw,” she says. “At first I was shown only a very limited amount of footage, but it was indicative of the whole. On the basis of my experience, I understood that there was more.”

    A few more years of what Sela terms “endless nagging, conversations and correspondence” passed, which resulted in her being permitted to view dozens of segments of additional films, including some that apparently came from Habashneh’s archive. Sela also discovered another Palestinian archive that had been seized by the IDF. Established under the aegis of the PLO’s Cultural Arts Section, its director in the 1970s was the Lod-born painter and historian Ismail Shammout (1930-2006).

    One of the works in that collection is Shammout’s own film “The Urgent Call,” whose theme song was written and performed by the Palestinian singer Zainab Shathat in English, accompanying herself on the guitar. “The film was thought to be lost until I found it in the IDF Archive,” says Sela, who describes “The Urgent Call” as “a cry about the condition of Palestine, its sons and its daughters.”

    Viewing it takes one back in time to the late 1960s and early ‘70s, when the cinema of the Palestinian struggle briefly connected with other international revolutionary film movements.

    Legendary French filmmaker Jean-Luc Godard

    For example, in 1969 and 1970 Jean-Luc Godard, the legendary filmmaker of the French New Wave in cinema, visited Jordan and Lebanon several times with the Dziga Vertov Group of French filmmakers (named after the Soviet pioneer documentarian of the 1920s and ‘30s), who included filmmaker Jean-Pierre Gorin, who worked with Godard in his “radical” period. They came to shoot footage in refugee camps and in fedayeen bases for Godard’s film “Until Victory.” Habashneh told Sela that she and others had met Godard, assisted him and were of course influenced by his work. [Ed. note: Godard’s work on Palestine caused him to be accused of antisemitism by the Washington Post’s Richard Cohen and others. “In Hollywood there is no greater sin,” the Guardian reported.]

    Along with “The Urgent Call” – excerpts from which are included in her “Looted and Hidden” documentary – Sela also found another Shammout work in the IDF Archive. Titled “Memories and Fire,” it chronicles 20th-century Palestinian history, “from the days depicting the idyllic life in Palestine, via the documentation of refugeehood, to the documentation of the organizing and the resistance. To use the terms of the Palestinian cinema scholar and filmmaker George Khleifi, the aggressive fighter took the place of the ill-fated refugee,” she adds.

    Sela also found footage by the Iraqi director Kais al-Zubaidi, who worked for a time in the PLO’s Cultural Arts Section. His films from that period include “Away from Home” (1969) and “The Visit” (1970); in 2006 he published an anthology, “Palestine in the Cinema,” a history of the subject, which mentions some 800 films that deal with Palestine or the Palestinian people. [Ed. note: unfortunately it appears this book has never been translated into English.]

    IDF seals the archive for decades

    Some of the Palestinian movies in the IDF Archive bear their original titles. However, in many other cases this archival material was re-cataloged to suit the Israeli perspective, so that Palestinian “fighters” became “gangs” or “terrorists,” for example. In one case, a film of Palestinians undergoing arms training is listed as “Terrorist camp in Kuwait: Distribution of uniforms, girls crawling with weapons, terrorists marching with weapons in the hills, instruction in laying mines and in arms.”

    Sela: “These films and stills, though not made by Jewish/Israeli filmmakers or military units – which is the central criterion for depositing materials in the Israeli army archive – were transferred to the IDF Archive and subordinated to the rules of the State of Israel. The archive immediately sealed them for many decades and cataloged them according to its terminology – which is Zionist, Jewish and Israeli – and not according to the original Palestinian terminology. I saw places where the word ‘terrorists’ was written on photographs taken by Palestinians. But after all, they do not call themselves as such. It’s part of terminological camouflaging, which subordinated their creative work to the colonial process in which the occupier controls the material that’s captured.”

    Hidden Palestinian history

    Sela’s discoveries, which are of international importance, are not only a research, documentation and academic achievement: They also constitute a breakthrough in regard to the chronicling of Palestinian history. “Palestinian visual historiography lacks many chapters,” she observes. “Many photographs and archives were destroyed, were lost, taken as spoils or plundered in the various wars and in the course of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.”

    From her point of view, the systematic collecting of Palestinian visual materials in the IDF Archive “makes it possible to write an alternative history that counteracts the content created by the army and the military archive, which is impelled by ideological and political considerations.” In the material she found in the army archive, she sees “images that depict the history of the Palestinian people and its long-term ties to this soil and this place, which present an alternative to the Zionist history that denied the Palestinians’ existence here, as well as their culture and history and the protracted tragedy they endured and their national struggle of many years.”

    The result is an intriguing paradox, such as one often finds by digging deep into an archive. The extensive information that Sela found in the IDF Archive makes it possible to reconstruct elements of the pre-1948 existence of the Palestinians and to help fill in the holes of the Palestinian narrative up until the 1980s. In other words, even if Israel’s intention was to hide these items and to control the Palestinians’ historical treasures, its actions actually abet the process of preservation, and will go on doing so in the future.

    Earlier groundbreaking discovery – confiscated Palestinians books & libraries

    Sela’s research on visual archival materials was preceded by another groundbreaking study – dealing with the written word – conducted by Dr. Gish Amit, an expert on the cultural aspects of Zionism at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev. Amit chronicled the fate of Palestinian books and libraries that, like the photographs and films Sela found, ended up in Israeli archives – including in the National Library in Jerusalem.

    In his 2014 book, “Ex-Libris: Chronicles of Theft, Preservation, and Appropriating at the Jewish National Library” (Hebrew), Amit trenchantly analyzes the foredoomed failure of any attempt to conceal and control the history of others. According to him, “an archive remembers its forgettings and erasures,” “documents injustice, and thus makes it possible to trace its paths” and “paves a way for forgotten histories which may, one day, convict the owners” of the documents.

    However, Amit also sees the complexity of this story and presents another side of it. Describing the operation in which the Palestinian books were collected by Israeli soldiers and National Library personnel during the War of Independence, he raises the possibility that this was actually an act involving rescue, preservation and accessibility: “On the one hand, the books were collected and not burned or left in the abandoned houses in the Arab neighborhoods that had been emptied of their inhabitants. Had they not been collected their fate would have been sealed — not a trace of them would remain,” he writes, adding, that the National Library “protected the books from the war, the looting and the destruction, and from illegal trade in manuscripts.”

    According to the National Library, it is holding about 6,500 Palestinian books and manuscripts, which were taken from private homes whose owners left in 1948. The entire collection is cataloged and accessible to the general public, but is held under the responsibility of the Custodian of Absentees’ Property in the Finance Ministry. Accordingly, there is no intention, in the near future, of trying to locate the owners and returning the items.

    Israeli control over history

    Sela views the existence of these spoils of war in Israel as a direct expression of the occupation, which she defines, beyond Israel’s physical presence in the territories, as “the control of history, the writing of culture and the shaping of identity.” In her view, “Israel’s rule over the Palestinians is not only geographic but extends also to culture and consciousness. Israel wants to erase this history from the public consciousness, but it is not being successful, because the force of the resistance is stronger. Furthermore, its attempts to erase Palestinian history adversely affect Israel itself in the end.”

    At this point, Sela resorts to a charged comparison, to illustrate how visual materials contribute to the creation of personal and collective identity. “As the daughter of Holocaust survivors,” she says, “I grew up in a home without photographic historical memory. Nothing. My history starts only with the meeting of my parents, in 1953. It’s only from then that we have photos. Before that – nothing.

    “I know what it feels like when you have no idea what your grandmother or grandfather looked like, or your father’s childhood,” she continues. “This is all the more true of the history of a whole people. The construction of identity by means of visual materials is very meaningful. Many researchers have addressed this topic. The fact is that Zionist bodies made and are continuing to make extensive and rational use of [such materials too] over a period that spans decades.”

    Sela admits that there is still much to be done, but as far as she’s concerned, once a crack appeared in the wall, there was no turning back. “There is a great deal of material, including hundreds of films, that I haven’t yet got to,” she notes. “This is an amazing treasure, which contains information about the cultural, educational, rural and urban life of the Palestinian people throughout the 20th century – an erased narrative that needs to be restored to the history books,” she adds.

    Asked what she thinks should be done with the material, she asserts, “Of course it has to be returned. Just as Israel is constantly fighting to retrieve what the Nazis looted from Jews in the Holocaust. The historical story is different, but by the same criterion, practice what you preach. These are cultural and historical materials of the Palestinian people.”

    The fact that these items are being held by Israel “creates a large hole in Palestinian research and knowledge,” Sela avers. “It’s a hole for which Israel is responsible. This material does not belong to us. It has to be returned to its owners. Afterward, if we view it intelligently, we too can come to know and understand highly meaningful chapters in Palestinian history and in our own history. I think that the first and basic stage in the process of conciliation is to know the history of the Other and also your own history of controlling the Other.”

    Defense Ministry response

    A spokesperson for the Defense Ministry, which was asked to comment on the holdings in the IDF Archive, the archive contains 642 “war booty films,” most of which deal with refugees and were produced by the UNRWA (the United Nations refugee relief agency) in the 1960s and 1970s. The ministry also noted that 158 films that were seized by the IDF in the 1982 Lebanon War are listed in orderly fashion in the reading-room catalog and are available for perusal by the general public, including Arab citizens and Palestinians.

    As for the Palestinian photographs that were confiscated, the Defense Ministry stated that there is no orderly record of them. There are 127 files of photographs and negatives in the archive, each of which contains dozens of photographs, probably taken between the 1960s and the 1980s, on a variety of subjects, including visits of foreign delegations to PLO personnel, tours of PLO delegations abroad, Palestinian art and heritage, art objects, traditional attire and Palestinian folklore, factories and workshops, demonstrations, mass parades and rallies held by the PLO, portraits of Arab personalities and PLO symbols.

    The statement adds that a few months ago, crates were located that were stamped by their original owners, “PLO/Department of Information and National Guidance and Department of Information and Culture,” during the evacuation of the archive’s storerooms in the Tzrifin base.

    https://israelpalestinenews.org/old-palestinian-photos-films-hidden-idf-archive-show-different-
    #historicisation #Israël #Palestine #photographie #films #archive #histoire #Khalil_Rassass #Ali_Za’arur
    ping @reka @sinehebdo @albertocampiphoto

    https://seenthis.net/messages/762792 via CDB_77



  • For six months, these Palestinian villages had running water. Israel put a stop to it
    For six months, Palestinian villagers living on West Bank land that Israel deems a closed firing range saw their dream of running water come true. Then the Civil Administration put an end to it

    Amira Hass Feb 22, 2019 3:25 PM

    https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-why-doesn-t-israel-want-palestinians-to-have-running-water-1.69595
    https://www.haaretz.com/polopoly_fs/1.6959590.1550844669!/image/2700794391.jpg_gen/derivatives/headline_1200x630/2700794391.jpg

    The dream that came true, in the form of a two-inch water line, was too good to be true. For about six months, 12 Palestinian West Bank villages in the South Hebron Hills enjoyed clean running water. That was until February 13, when staff from the Israeli Civil Administration, accompanied by soldiers and Border Police and a couple of bulldozers, arrived.

    The troops dug up the pipes, cut and sawed them apart and watched the jets of water that spurted out. About 350 cubic meters of water were wasted. Of a 20 kilometer long (12 mile) network, the Civil Administration confiscated remnants and sections of a total of about 6 kilometers of piping. They loaded them on four garbage trucks emblazoned with the name of the Tel Aviv suburb of Ramat Gan on them.

    The demolition work lasted six and a half hours. Construction of the water line network had taken about four months. It had been a clear act of civil rebellion in the spirit of Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King against one of the most brutal bans that Israel imposes on Palestinian communities in Area C, the portion of the West Bank under full Israeli control. It bars Palestinians from hooking into existing water infrastructure.

    The residential caves in the Masafer Yatta village region south of Hebron and the ancient cisterns used for collecting rainwater confirm the local residents’ claim that their villages have existed for decades, long before the founding of the State of Israel. In the 1970s, Israel declared some 30,000 dunams (7,500 acres) in the area Firing Range 918.

    In 1999, under the auspices of the negotiations between Israel and the Palestinian Authority, the army expelled the residents of the villages and demolished their structures and water cisterns. The government claimed that the residents were trespassing on the firing range, even though these were their lands and they have lived in the area long before the West Bank was captured by Israel.

    When the matter was brought to the High Court of Justice, the court approved a partial return to the villages but did not allow construction or hookups to utility infrastructure. Mediation attempts failed, because the state was demanding that the residents leave their villages and live in the West Bank town of Yatta and come to graze their flocks and work their land only on a few specific days per year.

    But the residents continued to live in their homes, risking military raids and demolition action — including the demolition of public facilities such as schools, medical clinics and even toilets. They give up a lot to maintain their way of life as shepherds, but could not forgo water.

    “The rainy season has grown much shorter in recent years, to only about 45 days a year,” explained Nidal Younes, the chairman of the Masafer Yatta council of villages. “In the past, we didn’t immediately fill the cisterns with rainwater, allowing them to be washed and cleaned first. Since the amount of rain has decreased, people stored water right away. It turns out the dirty water harmed the sheep and the people.”

    Because the number of residents has increased, even in years with abundant rain, at a certain stage the cisterns ran dry and the shepherds would bring in water by tractor. They would haul a 4 cubic meter (140 square foot) tank along the area’s narrow, poor roads — which Israel does not permit to have widened and paved. “The water has become every family’s largest expense,” Younes said.

    In the village of Halawa, he pointed out Abu Ziyad, a man of about 60. “I always see him on a tractor, bringing in water or setting out to bring back water.”

    Sometimes the tractors overturn and drivers are injured. Tires quickly wear out and precious work days go to waste. “We are drowning in debt to pay for the transportation of water,” Abu Ziyad said.

    In 2017, the Civil Administration and the Israeli army closed and demolished the roads to the villages, which the council had earlier managed to widen and rebuild. That had been done to make it easier to haul water in particular, but also more generally to give the villages better access.

    The right-wing Regavim non-profit group “exposed” the great crime committed in upgrading the roads and pressured the Civil Administration and the army to rip them up. “The residents’ suffering increased,” Younes remarked. “We asked ourselves how to solve the water problem.”

    The not very surprising solution was installing pipes to carry the water from the main water line in the village of Al-Tuwani, through privately owned lands of the other villages. “I checked it out, looking to see if there was any ban on laying water lines on private land and couldn’t find one,” Younes said.

    Work done by volunteers

    The plumbing work was done by volunteers, mostly at night and without heavy machinery, almost with their bare hands. Ali Debabseh, 77, of the village of Khalet al-Daba, recalled the moment when he opened the spigot installed near his home and washed his face with running water. “I wanted to jump for joy. I was as happy as a groom before his wedding.”

    Umm Fadi of the village of Halawa also resorted to the word “joy” in describing the six months when she had a faucet near the small shack in which she lives. “The water was clean, not brown from rust or dust. I didn’t need to go as far as the cistern to draw water, didn’t need to measure every drop.”

    Now it’s more difficult to again get used to being dependent on water dispensed from tanks.

    The piping and connections and water meters were bought with a 100,000 euro ($113,000) European donation. Instead of paying 40 shekels ($11) per cubic meter for water brought in with water tanks, the residents paid only about 6 shekels for the same amount of running water. Suddenly they not only saved money, but also had more precious time.

    The water lines also could have saved European taxpayers money. A European project to help the residents remain in their homes had been up and running since 2011, providing annual funding of 120,000 euros to cover the cost of buying and transporting drinking water during the three summer months for the residents (but not their livestock).

    The cost was based on a calculation involving consumption of 750 liters per person a month, far below the World Health Organization’s recommended quantity. There are between 1,500 and 2,000 residents. The project made things much easier for such a poor community, which continued to pay out of its own pocket for the water for some 40,000 sheep and for the residents’ drinking water during the remainder of the year. Now that the Civil Administration has demolished the water lines, the European donor countries may be forced to once again pay for the high price of transporting water during the summer months, at seven times the cost.

    For its part, the Civil Administration issued a statement noting that the area is a closed military zone. “On February 13,” the statement said, “enforcement action was taken against water infrastructure that was connected to illegal structures in this area and that were built without the required permits.”

    Ismail Bahis should have been sorry that the pipes were laid last year. He and his brothers, residents of Yatta, own water tankers and were the main water suppliers to the Masafer Yatta villages. Through a system of coupons purchased with the European donation, they received 800 shekels for every shipment of 20 cubic meters of water. But Bahis said he was happy he had lost out on the work.

    “The roads to the villages of Masafer Yatta are rough and dangerous, particularly after the army closed them,” he said. “Every trip of a few kilometers took at least three and a half hours. Once I tipped over with the tanker. Another time the army confiscated my brother’s truck, claiming it was a closed military zone. We got the truck released three weeks later in return for 5,000 shekels. We always had other additional expenses replacing tires and other repairs for the truck.

    Nidal Younes recounted that the council signed a contract with another water carrier to meet the demand. But that supplier quit after three weeks. He wouldn’t agree to drive on the poor and dangerous roads.

    On February 13, Younes heard the large group of forces sent by the Civil Administration beginning to demolish the water lines near the village of Al-Fakhit. He rushed to the scene and began arguing with the soldiers and Civil Administration staff.

    Border Police arrests

    Border Police officers arrested him, handcuffed him and put him in a jeep. His colleague, the head of the Al-Tuwani council, Mohammed al-Raba’i, also approached those carrying out the demolition work to protest. “But they arrested me after I said two words. At least Nidal managed to say a lot,” he said with a smile that concealed sadness.

    Two teams carried out the demolition work, one proceeding toward the village of Jinbah, to the southeast, the second advanced in the direction of Al-Tuwani, to the northwest. They also demolished the access road leading to the village of Sha’ab al-Butum, so that even if Bahis wanted to transport water again, he would have had to make a large detour to do so.

    Younes was shocked to spot a man named Marco among the team carrying out the demolition. “I remembered him from when I was a child, from the 1980s when he was an inspector for the Civil Administration. In 1985, he supervised the demolition of houses in our village, Jinbah — twice, during Ramadan and Eid al-Fitr [marking the end of the Ramadan holy month],” he said.

    “They knew him very well in all the villages in the area because he attended all the demolitions. The name Marco was a synonym for an evil spirit. Our parents who saw him demolish their homes, have died. He disappeared, and suddenly he has reappeared,” Younes remarked.

    Marco is Marco Ben-Shabbat, who has lead the Civil Administration’s supervision unit for the past 10 years. Speaking to a reporter from the Israel Hayom daily who accompanied the forces carrying out the demolition work, Ben-Shabbat said: “The [water line] project was not carried out by the individual village. The Palestinian Authority definitely put a project manager here and invested a lot of money.”

    More precisely, it was European governments that did so.

    From all of the villages where the Civil Administration destroyed water lines, the Jewish outposts of Mitzpeh Yair and Avigayil can be seen on the hilltops. Although they are unauthorized and illegal even according to lenient Israeli settlement laws, the outposts were connected almost immediately to water and electricity grids and paved roads lead to them.

    “I asked why they demolished the water lines,” Nidal Younes recalled. He said one of the Border Police officers answered him, in English, telling him it was done “to replace Arabs with Jews.”

    #Financementeuropéen

    https://seenthis.net/messages/762571 via Loutre


  • VIDEO. « C’est une catastrophe ce qu’il se passe en Antarctique ouest » : pourquoi la fonte du glacier Thwaites inquiète les scientifiques
    Benoît Jourdain | Mis à jour le 17/02/2019
    https://www.francetvinfo.fr/meteo/climat/video-c-est-une-catastrophe-ce-qu-il-se-passe-en-antarctique-ouest-pour
    https://www.francetvinfo.fr/image/75n984nd2-f2aa/1500/843/17025535.jpg

    Un compte à rebours a débuté en Antarctique ouest. Et pour les scientifiques, l’issue ne fait plus aucun doute : cette partie du continent blanc est vouée à disparaître dans les années à venir.

    Le glacier Thwaites, l’un des géants de la zone de la mer d’Amundsen qui fait 120 kilomètres de large, 600 de long et atteint 3 km de profondeur par endroits, est de plus en plus instable. « Il fait à peu près la taille de la Floride », résume à franceinfo Jérémie Mouginot, chercheur au CNRS à l’Institut des géosciences de l’environnement à Grenoble. Un « monstre » responsable, chaque année, de 4% de la montée du niveau de la mer dans le monde, estime un communiqué de la Nasa (en anglais).

    « Ce glacier se retire d’à peu près un demi-kilomètre par an, depuis une bonne vingtaine d’années », précise Eric Rignot, professeur en sciences de la Terre à l’université de Californie à Irvine, chercheur au Jet Propulsion Laboratory, et coauteur d’une étude (en anglais) publiée le 30 janvier.

    #effondrement #collapsologie #catastrophe #fin_du_monde #it_has_begun #Anthropocène #capitalocène
    https://seenthis.net/messages/757034

    https://seenthis.net/messages/760797 via Loutre


  • What Happens When Techno-Utopians Actually Run a Country | WIRED
    https://www.wired.com/story/italy-five-star-movement-techno-utopians
    https://media.wired.com/photos/5c646983efd7aa546734e971/master/w_600,c_limit/2703_Feature_Five-Star-1_Gianroberto.jpg

    At every step along the way—from the creation of Grillo’s blog and the organization of the movement’s first mass protests to the construction of its direct-democracy platform, all the way to its recent turn toward nativist politics—Five Star’s course had been meticulously directed by a camera-shy cyber-­utopian named Gianroberto Casaleggio, the movement’s cofounder.

    Casaleggio, who died of brain cancer in 2016, was, in some ways, a familiar type. In the 1990s and early 2000s, he and a slew of other Internet Age prophets—many of them writing in this magazine—foretold a digital revolution that would flatten the priesthoods of politics, government, and journalism, and replace them with decentralized webs of direct participation. But Casaleggio, unlike his fellow pundits, actually went on to mount a revolutionary force that took over a country. Not only that, he directed this supposedly leaderless movement while drawing barely any attention to himself. So here’s the mystery at the heart of Five Star: Who the hell was Gianroberto Casaleggio—and how did he do it?

    #cinque_stelle #five_stars #Italie #politique_électorale #populisme

    https://seenthis.net/messages/760588 via aude_v



  • Glyn #Moody sur l’article 13 – Une aberration judiciaire
    https://framablog.org/2019/02/13/glyn-moody-sur-larticle-13-une-aberration-judiciaire

    Glyn Moody est infatigable dans son combat contre les dispositions néfastes de la #Directive européenne sur le droit d’auteur dont le vote est maintenant imminent. Il y consacre une série d’articles dont nous avons déjà proposé deux traductions. Voici un … Lire la suite­­

    #Droits_numériques #Libertés_Numériques #Libres_Cultures #article13 #Copyright #droit_d'auteur #filtres #ParlementEuropeen


  • Article 13 de la directive droit d’auteur : quand la France milite pour un filtrage généralisé
    https://www.nextinpact.com/news/107596-article-13-directive-droit-dauteur-quand-france-milite-pour-filtr

    Dans le cadre actuel des négociations autour de la proposition de directive sur le droit d’auteur, et en particulier l’article 13, la France plaide pour un sévère tour de vis. En jeu ? Tout simplement un filtrage généralisé des contenus culturels. La proposition de directive sur le droit d’auteur est dans une phase critique de négociation. Après un accord des représentants des États au Conseil vendredi, un trilogue est prévu dès ce soir entre l’institution, la Commission européenne et le Parlement (...)

    #Google #ContentID #bot #filtrage #législation #copyright

    https://cdn2.nextinpact.com/images/bd/wide-linked-media/6129.jpg

    https://seenthis.net/messages/759642 via etraces


  • Glyn #Moody sur l’article 13 – Mensonges et mauvaise foi
    https://framablog.org/2019/02/09/glyn-moody-sur-larticle-13-mensonges-et-mauvaise-foi

    Glyn Moody est un journaliste, blogueur et écrivain spécialisé dans les questions de #Copyright et #Droits_numériques. Ses combats militants le placent en première ligne dans la lutte contre l’article 13 de la #Directive européenne sur le droit d’auteur, dont … Lire la suite­­

    #Internet_et_société #Libertés_Numériques #article13 #droit_d'auteur #filtres #ParlementEuropeen


  • Les réseaux du trading à haute-fréquence, par Alexandre Laumonier

    extrait du livre 4

    Comment gagner beaucoup d’argent en grattant quelques microsecondes dans les transmissions d’ordres d’achat et de vente — le plus rapide gagne, et tous les coups sont permis pour passer devant… les spécialistes achètent donc le droit d’installer des antennes sur les points les plus élevés du paysage entre Francfort et Londres, ou entre New York et Chicago. Et c’est la course pour s’approprier ces toits d’immeubles, ces tours militaires désaffectées…

    Géniale enquête cartographique dans les milieux de la finance internationale.

    https://visionscarto.net/enquete-reseaux-hft
    https://visionscarto.net/local/cache-vignettes/L1024xH721/4_web_suitejbf33-4941f.jpg?1549635264
    https://visionscarto.net/local/cache-vignettes/L1024xH630/microwave-to90df-d6406.jpg?1549635582
    https://visionscarto.net/local/cache-vignettes/L1020xH1024/long-linesjp6ead-23572.jpg?1549636395
    https://visionscarto.net/local/cache-vignettes/L1024xH529/AB_Services_db71-b721a.png?1549636785

    Je dois dire qu’on est très fier de la confiance d’Alexandre qui nous a confié ses “bonnes feuilles”.

    Pour commander le livre :
    http://www.zones-sensibles.org/alexandre-laumonier-4

    #enquête #cartographie #finance #réseaux

    https://seenthis.net/messages/758815 via visionscarto