• The Knesset candidate who says Zionism encourages anti-Semitism and calls Netanyahu ’arch-murderer’ - Israel Election 2019 - Haaretz.com
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    Few Israelis have heard of Dr. Ofer Cassif, the Jewish representative on the far-leftist Hadash party’s Knesset slate. On April 9, that will change
    By Ravit Hecht Feb 16, 2019

    Ofer Cassif is fire and brimstone. Not even the flu he’s suffering from today can contain his bursting energy. His words are blazing, and he bounds through his modest apartment, searching frenetically for books by Karl Marx and Primo Levi in order to find quotations to back up his ideas. Only occasional sips from a cup of maté bring his impassioned delivery to a momentary halt. The South American drink is meant to help fight his illness, he explains.

    Cassif is third on the slate of Knesset candidates in Hadash (the Hebrew acronym for the Democratic Front for Peace and Equality), the successor to Israel’s Communist Party. He holds the party’s “Jewish slot,” replacing MK Dov Khenin. Cassif is likely to draw fire from opponents and be a conspicuous figure in the next Knesset, following the April 9 election.

    Indeed, the assault on him began as soon as he was selected by the party’s convention. The media pursued him; a columnist in the mass-circulation Yedioth Ahronoth newspaper, Ben-Dror Yemini, called for him to be disqualified from running for the Knesset. It would be naive to say that this was unexpected. Cassif, who was one of the first Israeli soldiers to refuse to serve in the territories, in 1987, gained fame thanks to a number of provocative statements. The best known is his branding of Justice Minister Ayelet Shaked as “neo-Nazi scum.” On another occasion, he characterized Jews who visit the Temple Mount as “cancer with metastases that have to be eradicated.”

    On his alternate Facebook page, launched after repeated blockages of his original account by a blitz of posts from right-wing activists, he asserted that Culture Minister Miri Regev is “repulsive gutter contamination,” that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is an “arch-murderer” and that the new Israel Defense Forces chief of staff, Lt. Gen. Aviv Kochavi, is a “war criminal.”

    Do you regret making those remarks?

    Cassif: “‘Regret’ is a word of emotion. Those statements were made against a background of particular events: the fence in Gaza, horrible legislation, and the wild antics of Im Tirtzu [an ultranationalist organization] on campus. That’s what I had to say at the time. I didn’t count on being in the Knesset. That wasn’t part of my plan. But it’s clear to me that as a public personality, I would not have made those comments.”

    Is Netanyahu an arch-murderer?

    “Yes. I wrote it in the specific context of a particular day in the Gaza Strip. A massacre of innocent people was perpetrated there, and no one’s going to persuade me that those people were endangering anyone. It’s a concentration camp. Not a ‘concentration camp’ in the sense of Bergen-Belsen; I am absolutely not comparing the Holocaust to what’s happening.”

    You term what Israel is doing to the Palestinians “genocide.”

    “I call it ‘creeping genocide.’ Genocide is not only a matter of taking people to gas chambers. When Yeshayahu Leibowitz used the term ‘Judeo-Nazis,’ people asked him, ‘How can you say that? Are we about to build gas chambers?’ To that, he had two things to say. First, if the whole difference between us and the Nazis boils down to the fact that we’re not building gas chambers, we’re already in trouble. And second, maybe we won’t use gas chambers, but the mentality that exists today in Israel – and he said this 40 years ago – would allow it. I’m afraid that today, after four years of such an extreme government, it possesses even greater legitimacy.

    “But you know what, put aside ‘genocide’ – ethnic cleansing is taking place there. And that ethnic cleansing is also being carried out by means of killing, although mainly by way of humiliation and of making life intolerable. The trampling of human dignity. It reminds me of Primo Levi’s ‘If This Is a Man.’”

    You say you’re not comparing, but you repeatedly come back to Holocaust references. On Facebook, you also uploaded the scene from “Schindler’s List” in which the SS commander Amon Goeth picks off Jews with his rifle from the balcony of his quarters in the camp. You compared that to what was taking place along the border fence in the Gaza Strip.

    “Today, I would find different comparisons. In the past I wrote an article titled, ‘On Holocaust and on Other Crimes.’ It’s online [in Hebrew]. I wrote there that anyone who compares Israel to the Holocaust is cheapening the Holocaust. My comparison between here and what happened in the early 1930s [in Germany] is a very different matter.”

    Clarity vs. crudity

    Given Cassif’s style, not everyone in Hadash was happy with his election, particularly when it comes to the Jewish members of the predominantly Arab party. Dov Khenin, for example, declined to be interviewed and say what he thinks of his parliamentary successor. According to a veteran party figure, “From the conversations I had, it turns out that almost none of the Jewish delegates – who make up about 100 of the party’s 940 delegates – supported his candidacy.

    “He is perceived, and rightly so,” the party veteran continues, “as someone who closes doors to Hadash activity within Israeli society. Each of the other Jewish candidates presented a record of action and of struggles they spearheaded. What does he do? Curses right-wing politicians on Facebook. Why did the party leadership throw the full force of its weight behind him? In a continuation of the [trend exemplified by] its becoming part of the Joint List, Ofer’s election reflects insularity and an ongoing retreat from the historical goal of implementing change in Israeli society.”

    At the same time, as his selection by a 60 percent majority shows, many in the party believe that it’s time to change course. “Israeli society is moving rightward, and what’s perceived as Dov’s [Khenin] more gentle style didn’t generate any great breakthrough on the Jewish street,” a senior source in Hadash notes.

    “It’s not a question of the tension between extremism and moderation, but of how to signpost an alternative that will develop over time. Clarity, which is sometimes called crudity, never interfered with cooperation between Arabs and Jews. On the contrary. Ofer says things that we all agreed with but didn’t so much say, and of course that’s going to rile the right wing. And a good thing, too.”

    Hadash chairman MK Ayman Odeh also says he’s pleased with the choice, though sources in the party claim that Odeh is apprehensive about Cassif’s style and that he actually supported a different candidate. “Dov went for the widest possible alliances in order to wield influence,” says Odeh. “Ofer will go for very sharp positions at the expense of the breadth of the alliance. But his sharp statements could have a large impact.”

    Khenin was deeply esteemed by everyone. When he ran for mayor of Tel Aviv in 2008, some 35 percent of the electorate voted for him, because he was able to touch people who weren’t only from his political milieu.

    Odeh: “No one has a higher regard for Dov than I do. But just to remind you, we are not a regular opposition, we are beyond the pale. And there are all kinds of styles. Influence can be wielded through comments that are vexatious the first time but which people get used to the second time. When an Arab speaks about the Nakba and about the massacre in Kafr Kassem [an Israeli Arab village, in 1956], it will be taken in a particular way, but when uttered by a Jew it takes on special importance.”

    He will be the cause of many attacks on the party.

    “Ahlan wa sahlan – welcome.”

    Cassif will be the first to tell you that, with all due respect for the approach pursued by Khenin and by his predecessor in the Jewish slot, Tamar Gozansky, he will be something completely different. “I totally admire what Tamar and Dov did – nothing less than that,” he says, while adding, “But my agenda will be different. The three immediate dangers to Israeli society are the occupation, racism and the diminishment of the democratic space to the point of liquidation. That’s the agenda that has to be the hub of the struggle, as long as Israel rules over millions of people who have no rights, enters [people’s houses] in the middle of the night, arrests minors on a daily basis and shoots people in the back.

    "Israel commits murder on a daily basis. When you murder one Palestinian, you’re called Elor Azaria [the IDF soldier convicted and jailed for killing an incapacitated Palestinian assailant]; when you murder and oppress thousands of Palestinians, you’re called the State of Israel.”

    So you plan to be the provocateur in the next Knesset?

    “It’s not my intention to be a provocateur, to stand there and scream and revile people. Even on Facebook I was compelled to stop that. But I definitely intend to challenge the dialogue in terms of the content, and mainly with a type of sarcasm.”

    ’Bags of blood’

    Cassif, 54, who holds a doctorate in political philosophy from the London School of Economics, teaches political science at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Sapir Academic College in Sderot and at the Academic College of Tel Aviv-Yaffo. He lives in Rehovot, is married and is the father of a 19-year-old son. He’s been active in Hadash for three decades and has held a number of posts in the party.

    As a lecturer, he stands out for his boldness and fierce rhetoric, which draws students of all stripes. He even hangs out with some of his Haredi students, one of whom wrote a post on the eve of the Hadash primary urging the delegates to choose him. After his election, a student from a settlement in the territories wrote to him, “You are a determined and industrious person, and for that I hold you in high regard. Hoping we will meet on the field of action and growth for the success of Israel as a Jewish, democratic state (I felt obliged to add a small touch of irony in conclusion).”

    Cassif grew up in a home that supported Mapai, forerunner of Labor, in Rishon Letzion. He was an only child; his father was an accountant, his mother held a variety of jobs. He was a news hound from an early age, and at 12 ran for the student council in school. He veered sharply to the left in his teens, becoming a keen follower of Marx and socialism.

    Following military service in the IDF’s Nahal brigade and a period in the airborne Nahal, Cassif entered the Hebrew University. There his political career moved one step forward, and there he also forsook the Zionist left permanently. His first position was as a parliamentary aide to the secretary general of the Communist Party, Meir Wilner.

    “At first I was closer to Mapam [the United Workers Party, which was Zionist], and then I refused to serve in the territories. I was the first refusenik in the first intifada to be jailed. I didn’t get support from Mapam, I got support from the people of Hadash, and I drew close to them. I was later jailed three more times for refusing to serve in the territories.”

    His rivals in the student organizations at the Hebrew University remember him as the epitome of the extreme left.

    “Even in the Arab-Jewish student association, Cassif was considered off-the-wall,” says Motti Ohana, who was chairman of Likud’s student association and active in the Student Union at the end of the 1980s and early 1990s. “One time I got into a brawl with him. It was during the first intifada, when he brought two bags of blood, emptied them out in the university’s corridors and declared, ‘There is no difference between Jewish and Arab blood,’ likening Israeli soldiers to terrorists. The custom on campus was that we would quarrel, left-right, Arabs-Jews, and after that we would sit together, have a coffee and talk. But not Cassif.”

    According to Ohana, today a member of the Likud central committee, the right-wing activists knew that, “You could count on Ofer to fall into every trap. There was one event at the Hebrew University that was a kind of political Hyde Park. The right wanted to boot the left out of there, so we hung up the flag. It was obvious that Ofer would react, and in fact he tore the flag, and in the wake of the ruckus that developed, political activity was stopped for good.”

    Replacing the anthem

    Cassif voices clearly and cogently positions that challenge the public discourse in Israel, and does so with ardor and charisma. Four candidates vied for Hadash’s Jewish slot, and they all delivered speeches at the convention. The three candidates who lost to him – Efraim Davidi, Yaela Raanan and the head of the party’s Tel Aviv branch, Noa Levy – described their activity and their guiding principles. When they spoke, there was the regular buzz of an audience that’s waiting for lunch. But when Cassif took the stage, the effect was magnetic.

    “Peace will not be established without a correction of the crimes of the Nakba and [recognition of] the right of return,” he shouted, and the crowd cheered him. As one senior party figure put it, “Efraim talked about workers’ rights, Yaela about the Negev, Noa about activity in Tel Aviv – and Ofer was Ofer.”

    What do you mean by “right of return”?

    Cassif: “The first thing is the actual recognition of the Nakba and of the wrong done by Israel. Compare it to the Truth and Reconciliation Commissions in South Africa, if you like, or with the commissions in Chile after Pinochet. Israel must recognize the wrong it committed. Now, recognition of the wrong also includes recognition of the right of return. The question is how it’s implemented. It has to be done by agreement. I can’t say that tomorrow Tel Aviv University has to be dismantled and that Sheikh Munis [the Arab village on whose ruins the university stands] has to be rebuilt there. The possibility can be examined of giving compensation in place of return, for example.”

    But what is the just solution, in your opinion?

    “For the Palestinian refugees to return to their homeland.”

    That means there will be Jews who will have to leave their home.

    “In some places, unequivocally, yes. People will have to be told: ‘You must evacuate your places.’ The classic example is Ikrit and Biram [Christian-Arab villages in Galilee whose residents were promised – untruly – by the Israeli authorities in 1948 that they would be able to return, and whose lands were turned over to Jewish communities]. But there are places where there is certainly greater difficulty. You don’t right one wrong with another.”

    What about the public space in Israel? What should it look like?

    “The public space has to change, to belong to all the state’s residents. I dispute the conception of ‘Jewish publicness.’”

    How should that be realized?

    “For example, by changing the national symbols, changing the national anthem. [Former Hadash MK] Mohammed Barakeh once suggested ‘I Believe’ [‘Sahki, Sahki’] by [Shaul] Tchernichovsky – a poem that is not exactly an expression of Palestinian nationalism. He chose it because of the line, ‘For in mankind I’ll believe.’ What does it mean to believe in mankind? It’s not a Jew, or a Palestinian, or a Frenchman, or I don’t know what.”

    What’s the difference between you and the [Arab] Balad party? Both parties overall want two states – a state “of all its citizens” and a Palestinian state.

    “In the big picture, yes. But Balad puts identity first on the agenda. We are not nationalists. We do not espouse nationalism as a supreme value. For us, self-determination is a means. We are engaged in class politics. By the way, Balad [the National Democratic Assembly] and Ta’al [MK Ahmad Tibi’s Arab Movement for Renewal] took the idea of a state of all its citizens from us, from Hadash. We’ve been talking about it for ages.”

    If you were a Palestinian, what would you do today?

    “In Israel, what my Palestinian friends are doing, and I with them – [wage] a parliamentary and extra-parliamentary struggle.”

    And what about the Palestinians in the territories?

    “We have always been against harming innocent civilians. Always. In all our demonstrations, one of our leading slogans was: ‘In Gaza and in Sderot, children want to live.’ With all my criticism of the settlers, to enter a house and slaughter children, as in the case of the Fogel family [who were murdered in their beds in the settlement of Itamar in 2011], is intolerable. You have to be a human being and reject that.”

    And attacks on soldiers?

    “An attack on soldiers is not terrorism. Even Netanyahu, in his book about terrorism, explicitly categorizes attacks on soldiers or on the security forces as guerrilla warfare. It’s perfectly legitimate, according to every moral criterion – and, by the way, in international law. At the same time, I am not saying it’s something wonderful, joyful or desirable. The party’s Haifa office is on Ben-Gurion Street, and suddenly, after years, I noticed a memorial plaque there for a fighter in Lehi [pre-state underground militia, also known as the Stern Gang] who assassinated a British officer. Wherever there has been a struggle for liberation from oppression, there are national heroes, who in 90 percent of the cases carried out some operations that were unlawful. Nelson Mandela is today considered a hero, he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, but according to the conventional definition, he was a terrorist. Most of the victims of the ANC [African National Congress] were civilians.”

    In other words, today’s Hamas commanders who are carrying out attacks on soldiers will be heroes of the future Palestinian state?

    “Of course.”

    Anti-Zionist identity

    Cassif terms himself an explicit anti-Zionist. “There are three reasons for that,” he says. “To begin with, Zionism is a colonialist movement, and as a socialist, I am against colonialism. Second, as far as I am concerned, Zionism is racist in ideology and in practice. I am not referring to the definition of race theory – even though there are also some who impute that to the Zionist movement – but to what I call Jewish supremacy. No socialist can accept that. My supreme value is equality, and I can’t abide any supremacy – Jewish or Arab. The third thing is that Zionism, like other ethno-nationalistic movements, splits the working class and all weakened groups. Instead of uniting them in a struggle for social justice, for equality, for democracy, it divides the exploited classes and the enfeebled groups, and by that means strengthens the rule of capital.”

    He continues, “Zionism also sustains anti-Semitism. I don’t say it does so deliberately – even though I have no doubt that there are some who do it deliberately, like Netanyahu, who is connected to people like the prime minister of Hungary, Viktor Orban, and the leader of the far right in Austria, Hans Christian Strache.”

    Did Mapai-style Zionism also encourage anti-Semitism?

    “The phenomenon was very striking in Mapai. Think about it for a minute, not only historically, but logically. If the goal of political and practical Zionism is really the establishment of a Jewish state containing a Jewish majority, and for Diaspora Jewry to settle there, nothing serves them better than anti-Semitism.”

    What in their actions encouraged anti-Semitism?

    “The very appeal to Jews throughout the world – the very fact of treating them as belonging to the same nation, when they were living among other nations. The whole old ‘dual loyalty’ story – Zionism actually encouraged that. Therefore, I maintain that anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism are not the same thing, but are precisely opposites. That doesn’t mean, of course, that there are no anti-Zionists who are also anti-Semites. Most of the BDS people are of course anti-Zionists, but they are in no way anti-Semites. But there are anti-Semites there, too.”

    Do you support BDS?

    “It’s too complex a subject for a yes or no answer; there are aspects I don’t support.”

    Do you think that the Jews deserve a national home in the Land of Israel?

    “I don’t know what you mean by ‘national home.’ It’s very amorphous. We in Hadash say explicitly that Israel has a right to exist as a sovereign state. Our struggle is not against the state’s existence, but over its character.”

    But that state is the product of the actions of the Zionist movement, which you say has been colonialist and criminal from day one.

    “That’s true, but the circumstances have changed. That’s the reason that the majority of the members of the Communist Party accepted the [1947] partition agreement at the time. They recognized that the circumstances had changed. I think that one of the traits that sets communist thought apart, and makes it more apt, is the understanding and the attempt to strike the proper balance between what should be, and reality. So it’s true that Zionism started as colonialism, but what do you do with the people who were already born here? What do you tell them? Because your grandparents committed a crime, you have to leave? The question is how you transform the situation that’s been created into one that’s just, democratic and equal.”

    So, a person who survived a death camp and came here is a criminal?

    “The individual person, of course not. I’m in favor of taking in refugees in distress, no matter who or what they are. I am against Zionism’s cynical use of Jews in distress, including the refugees from the Holocaust. I have a problem with the fact that the natives whose homeland this is cannot return, while people for whom it’s not their homeland, can, because they supposedly have some sort of blood tie and an ‘imaginary friend’ promised them the land.”

    I understand that you are in favor of the annulment of the Law of Return?

    “Yes. Definitely.”

    But you are in favor of the Palestinian right of return.

    “There’s no comparison. There’s no symmetry here at all. Jerry Seinfeld was by chance born to a Jewish family. What’s his connection to this place? Why should he have preference over a refugee from Sabra or Chatila, or Edward Said, who did well in the United States? They are the true refugees. This is their homeland. Not Seinfeld’s.”

    Are you critical of the Arabs, too?

    “Certainly. One criticism is of their cooperation with imperialism – take the case of today’s Saudi Arabia, Qatar and so on. Another, from the past, relates to the reactionary forces that did not accept that the Jews have a right to live here.”

    Hadash refrained from criticizing the Assad regime even as it was massacring civilians in Syria. The party even torpedoed a condemnation of Assad after the chemical attack. Do you identify with that approach?

    “Hadash was critical of the Assad regime – father and son – for years, so we can’t be accused in any way of supporting Assad or Hezbollah. We are not Ba’ath, we are not Islamists. We are communists. But as I said earlier, the struggle, unfortunately, is generally not between the ideal and what exists in practice, but many times between two evils. And then you have to ask yourself which is the lesser evil. The Syrian constellation is extremely complicated. On the one hand, there is the United States, which is intervening, and despite all the pretense of being against ISIS, supported ISIS and made it possible for ISIS to sprout.

    "I remind you that ISIS started from the occupation of Iraq. And ideologically and practically, ISIS is definitely a thousand times worse than the Assad regime, which is at base also a secular regime. Our position was and is against the countries that pose the greatest danger to regional peace, which above all are Qatar and Saudi Arabia, and the United States, which supports them. That doesn’t mean that we support Assad.”

    Wrong language

    Cassif’s economic views are almost as far from the consensus as his political ideas. He lives modestly in an apartment that’s furnished like a young couple’s first home. You won’t find an espresso maker or unnecessary products of convenience in his place. To his credit, it can be said that he extracts the maximum from Elite instant coffee.

    What is your utopian vision – to nationalize Israel’s conglomerates, such as Cellcom, the telecommunications company, or Osem, the food manufacturer and distributor?

    “The bottom line is yes. How exactly will it be done? That’s an excellent question, which I can’t answer. Perhaps by transferring ownership to the state or to the workers, with democratic tools. And there are other alternatives. But certainly, I would like it if a large part of the resources were not in private hands, as was the case before the big privatizations. It’s true that it won’t be socialism, because, again, there can be no such thing as Zionist socialism, but there won’t be privatization like we have today. What is the result of capitalism in Israel? The collapse of the health system, the absence of a social-welfare system, a high cost of living and of housing, the elderly and the disabled in a terrible situation.”

    Does any private sector have the right to exist?

    “Look, the question is what you mean by ‘private sector.’ If we’re talking about huge concerns that the owners of capital control completely through their wealth, then no.”

    What growth was there in the communist countries? How can anyone support communism, in light of the grim experience wherever it was tried?

    “It’s true, we know that in the absolute majority of societies where an attempt was made to implement socialism, there was no growth or prosperity, and we need to ask ourselves why, and how to avoid that. When I talk about communism, I’m not talking about Stalin and all the crimes that were committed in the name of the communist idea. Communism is not North Korea and it is not Pol Pot in Cambodia. Heaven forbid.”

    And what about Venezuela?

    “Venezuela is not communism. In fact, they didn’t go far enough in the direction of socialism.”

    Chavez was not enough of a socialist?

    “Chavez, but in particular Maduro. The Communist Party is critical of the regime. They support it because the main enemy is truly American imperialism and its handmaidens. Let’s look at what the U.S. did over the years. At how many times it invaded and employed bullying, fascist forces. Not only in Latin America, its backyard, but everywhere.”

    Venezuela is falling apart, people there don’t have anything to eat, there’s no medicine, everyone who can flees – and it’s the fault of the United States?

    “You can’t deny that the regime has made mistakes. It’s not ideal. But basically, it is the result of American imperialism and its lackeys. After all, the masses voted for Chavez and for Maduro not because things were good for them. But because American corporations stole the country’s resources and filled their own pockets. I wouldn’t make Chavez into an icon, but he did some excellent things.”

    Then how do you generate individual wealth within the method you’re proposing? I understand that I am now talking to you capitalistically, but the reality is that people see the accumulation of assets as an expression of progress in life.

    “Your question is indeed framed in capitalist language, which simply departs from what I believe in. Because you are actually asking me how the distribution of resources is supposed to occur within the capitalist framework. And I say no, I am not talking about resource distribution within a capitalist framework.”

    Gantz vs. Netanyahu

    Cassif was chosen as the polls showed Meretz and Labor, the representatives of the Zionist left, barely scraping through into the next Knesset and in fact facing a serious possibility of electoral extinction. The critique of both parties from the radical left is sometimes more acerbic than from the right.

    Would you like to see the Labor Party disappear?

    “No. I think that what’s happening at the moment with Labor and with Meretz is extremely dangerous. I speak about them as collectives, because they contain individuals with whom I see no possibility of engaging in a dialogue. But I think that they absolutely must be in the Knesset.”

    Is a left-winger who defines himself as a Zionist your partner in any way?

    “Yes. We need partners. We can’t be picky. Certainly we will cooperate with liberals and Zionists on such issues as combating violence against women or the battle to rescue the health system. Maybe even in putting an end to the occupation.”

    I’ll put a scenario to you: Benny Gantz does really well in the election and somehow overcomes Netanyahu. Do you support the person who led Operation Protective Edge in Gaza when he was chief of staff?

    “Heaven forbid. But we don’t reject people, we reject policy. I remind you that it was [then-defense minister] Yitzhak Rabin who led the most violent tendency in the first intifada, with his ‘Break their bones.’ But when he came to the Oslo Accords, it was Hadash and the Arab parties that gave him, from outside the coalition, an insurmountable bloc. I can’t speak for the party, but if there is ever a government whose policy is one that we agree with – eliminating the occupation, combating racism, abolishing the nation-state law – I believe we will give our support in one way or another.”

    And if Gantz doesn’t declare his intention to eliminate the occupation, he isn’t preferable to Netanyahu in any case?

    “If so, why should we recommend him [to the president to form the next government]? After the clips he posted boasting about how many people he killed and how he hurled Gaza back into the Stone Age, I’m far from certain that he’s better.”

    #Hadash

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    ...

    Le Sahara est le plus grand désert du monde par temps chaud à peu près de la même taille que les États-Unis. Le bassin de l’Arctique et le continent antarctique, qui sont environ deux fois plus grands que le Sahara, sont également considérés comme des déserts en raison de leur faible taux de précipitation. Comme tous les déserts, les limites du Sahara fluctuent selon les saisons en s’étendant dans un hiver sec et en se contractant pendant un été plus humide.

    La bordure sud du #Sahara jouxte le Sahel qui est la zone de transition semi-aride qui s’étend entre le Sahara et les savanes fertiles plus au sud. Le Sahara s’étend à mesure que le #Sahel recule en perturbant les écosystèmes fragiles des prairies et les sociétés humaines de la région. Le lac Tchad, situé au centre de cette zone de transition conflictuelle sur le plan climatologique, sert de référence pour l’évolution des conditions au Sahel.

    https://s3-eu-west-1.amazonaws.com/s3.housseniawriting.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/28090812/desert-sahara-augmentation-1.jpg

    #désert #climat #hadley #cartographie
    https://journals.ametsoc.org/doi/full/10.1175/JCLI-D-17-0187.1

    https://seenthis.net/messages/681326 via odilon



  • Goat In The Shell débunke le « Deep Web »
    https://framablog.org/2017/07/24/goat-in-the-shell-debunke-le-deep-web

    Goat In The Shell présente « Le grand méchant deep web » « Ici LSN, en direct du clearweb, pour dépoussiérer les mythes qui entourent nos outils quotidiens », voici comment est introduit le sujet, après une entrée en matière mettant en scène un … Lire la suite­­

    #Claviers_invités #Éducation #Internet_et_société #Libertés_Numériques #Hadopi #Informatique #Internet #Politique #Video


  • Hadopi : combien les FAI vont toucher pour l’identification des IP
    https://www.nextinpact.com/news/103847-hadopi-combien-fai-vont-toucher-pour-identification-ip.htm

    Au Journal officiel a été publiée la grille tarifaire à laquelle peuvent prétendre les fournisseurs d’accès contactés par la Hadopi pour identifier les adresses IP. Un texte attendu depuis 2009. Les Bouygues, SFR et autres Orange ou Free savent désormais à combien ils pourront prétendre lorsqu’ils identifieront les adresses de leurs abonnés repérées sur les réseaux peer to peer dans le cadre de la riposte graduée. Après le décret publié voilà peu, la grille tarifaire diffusée ce jour au Journal officiel (...)

    #Bouygues #Free #Orange #HADOPI #surveillance

    https://seenthis.net/messages/583662 via etraces


  • La #Culture et l’Etat : fin de partie
    https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/culture-idees/241216/la-culture-et-l-etat-fin-de-partie

    Comment #Internet a-t-il tué l’exception culturelle ? Comment l’État a-t-il raté le bouleversement #Numérique et économique de l’industrie de la musique, du film ou du livre ? Éléments de réponse en compagnie de #Manuel_Alduy, ancien directeur du #Cinéma et des nouveaux contenus à Canal + et coauteur de La Culture sans État.

    #Culture-Idées #Canal_+ #Création #Etat #GAFA #Hadopi #politique_culturelle


  • http://tv-programme.telecablesat.fr/p/148668077/hier-aujourd-hui-demain.html
    Mercredi 16 novembre 2016 23h55 France 2
    Présenté par : Frédéric Taddeï.

    Invités : Dominique de Villepin, Claudine Cohen, Alain Corbin, Georges Vigarello, Catherine Larrère, Eloi Laurent, Julien Brygo, Olivier Cyran.

    Résumé : Sur Twitter via #HAD. Sur le plateau, Frédéric Taddeï reçoit l’ancien Premier ministre Dominique de Villepin pour son livre « Mémoire de paix pour temps de guerre ». Et avec Claudine Cohen Alain Corbin, Georges Vigarello, Catherine Larrere, Eloi Laurent, Julien Brygo, Olivier Cyran, Thierry Aschrift et Hector Obalk.

    • http://i.f1g.fr/media/figaro/1280x580_crop/2016/11/13/XVM6ffb1f00-a9cf-11e6-a681-5cfa72a17503.jpg
      http://www.lefigaro.fr/vox/monde/2016/11/13/31002-20161113ARTFIG00171-dominique-de-villepin-la-diplomatie-francaise-est
      Dominique de Villepin : « La diplomatie française est dans l’impasse »
      FIGAROVOX/GRAND ENTRETIEN - L’ancien premier ministre publie un essai foisonnant où se mêlent l’expertise géopolitique et une méditation sur le pouvoir et son exercice. Pour lui, la dilution de l’État, l’économisme et le juridisme nous entraînent de plus en plus souvent à choisir la solution militaire. Il s’étonne de l’atonie de la diplomatie française et considère que l’élection de Donald Trump nous offre une chance historique de sursaut. Il plaide pour l’utilisation d’un outil trop souvent sacrifié : la politique.

      LE FIGARO. - Doit-on être inquiet de l’élection de Donald Trump ?

      Dominique DE VILLEPIN. - Nous entrons dans une période d’incertitude. La montée du populisme aux États-Unis comme en Europe porte la marque de la montée en puissance des passions politiques que sont la colère et la peur. Les États démocratiques sont soumis à cette pression extrêmement vive et ne parviennent pas y faire face. C’est le grand défi contemporain. C’est un défi que nous pouvons cependant relever. Les solutions existent et nous pouvons choisir le sursaut.

      Comment ?
      ...


  • Thierry Lhermitte, vétéran d’Internet, piège ses amis #Facebook
    http://api.rue89.nouvelobs.com/2016/09/11/thierry-lhermitte-veteran-dinternet-piege-amis-facebook-265122

    Ceux qui s’intéressaient au numérique et à #Internet (le multimédia et les autoroutes de l’information, disait-on en ce temps-là) dès les années 90 s’en souviennent : Thierry Lhermitte se passionne depuis longtemps pour ces sujets – il a même présenté en vidéo une formation à la navigation en ligne. Le comédien, qui a eu son propre PC Amstrad au début des années 80, est interviewé par Le Point sur la question. Avec en apéritif un extrait de télé de 1996, où Thierry Lhermitte présente le Net à Jean-Luc Delarue, Michel Boujenah et Jean-Claude Brialy. Il y a vingt ans,...

    #Cinéma #Dominique_de_Villepin #Hadopi #Réseaux_sociaux


  • Les Exégètes accentuent leur pression sur l’obligation de rétention des données
    http://www.nextinpact.com/news/99939-les-exegetes-accentuent-leur-pression-sur-obligation-retention-don

    La pression s’accentue aux portes du gouvernement sur la question de la rétention des données. La Quadrature du Net, French Data Network et la Fédération des fournisseurs d’accès à Internet associatifs viennent d’adresser un nouveau mémoire pour s’attaquer à ce sujet sensible, et espérer un encadrement digne de ce nom. Fin 2014, dans son rapport sur les libertés numériques (PDF), la section des études du Conseil d’État avait été on ne peut plus claire : l’obligation générale de conservation des données de (...)

    #données #La_Quadrature_du_Net #surveillance #CJUE #HADOPI

    http://seenthis.net/messages/492311 via etraces


  • La #Cnil épingle Numericable, pour un abonné dénoncé (1.531 fois) à tort
    https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/france/080316/la-cnil-epingle-numericable-pour-un-abonne-denonce-1531-fois-tort

    En raison d’un simple bug informatique, le fournisseur d’accès à Internet a attribué à l’un de ses abonnés toute une série d’infractions. Signalé 1 531 fois auprès de l’Hadopi pour téléchargement illégal, l’homme a également été accusé de pédopornographie et a vu son domicile perquisitionné et son matériel informatique saisi à plusieurs reprises.

    #France #Adresse_IP #Hadopi #Numéricable #Numérique #SR


  • #UraMin : le trouble jeu d’Areva en #Namibie
    https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/economie/080116/uramin-le-trouble-jeu-dareva-en-namibie

    À la suite du rachat d’Uramin, #Areva a gaspillé 835 millions d’euros dans un gisement d’uranium en Namibie. Le groupe #nucléaire a aussi entretenu des relations ambiguës avec son principal lobbyiste auprès du pouvoir namibien. Sur fond de soupçons de favoritisme, cet intermédiaire a embauché le mari de la patronne #Anne_Lauvergeon et investi dans la société d’un cadre du groupe, alors qu’il négociait son entrée à prix d’ami au capital d’une usine locale d’Areva.

    #Economie #Conflit_d'intérêts #Corruption #Daniel_Wouters #entreprises #Haddis_Tilahun #mines #Olivier_Fric #Sebastien_de_Montessus #UAG #uranium


  • #UraMin et le mystère du yacht sud-africain
    https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/france/070116/uramin-et-le-mystere-du-yacht-sud-africain

    Le yacht Cape Arrow a été livré en avril 2011 à un mystérieux acheteur dissimulé derrière un trust irlandais © DR L’ancien directeur des #mines du groupe nucléaire, Sébastien de Montessus, a négocié en 2010 l’achat d’un voilier de luxe à 7,5 millions d’euros pour le compte d’un intermédiaire d’Areva en #Namibie et d’un financier poursuivi pour fraude fiscale. Révélations sur une transaction trouble, où l’on trouve un prince belge, un expert en sociétés offshore et un étrange contrat pétrolier au #Niger.

    #France #Anne_Lauvergeon #Areva #Bernard_Ouazan #Corruption #Emmanuel_de_Croÿ #entreprises #Haddis_Tilahun #Henri_de_Croÿ #information_judiciaire #Renaud_Van_Ruymbeke #Sebastien_de_Montessus #uranium


  • Se renouveler ou mourir, le dilemme de la #Hadopi (Le Monde, 25/11/2015 via @opironet)
    http://lemonde.fr/economie/article/2015/11/25/se-renouveler-ou-mourir-le-dilemme-de-la-hadopi_4816784_3234.html
    http://s1.lemde.fr/image/2015/11/25/644x322/4817147_3_9ca0_2015-11-25-f332ef8-6733-zpe7j3_35afb87667751b3db32ad6417ae1a16c.jpg

    En ce qui concerne la riposte graduée, qui consiste à mettre en garde l’internaute à trois reprises avant de possibles poursuites judiciaires, la machine tourne aujourd’hui à plein régime, ou presque. Au total, la Hadopi a envoyé, depuis 2010, près de 5,4 millions d’avertissements à des internautes contrevenants, selon son rapport 2015. Mais seulement 361 signalements ont été transmis au procureur de la République. Preuve de cette frénésie, les frais postaux et de télécommunications représentent le troisième poste de dépense (480 000 euros), après les charges de personnel et la location de locaux.

    http://seenthis.net/messages/433104 via tbn


  • #Hadopi : le juge ordonne le retour d’Eric Walter, viré en août
    http://rue89.nouvelobs.com/rue89-culture/2015/10/19/hadopi-juge-ordonne-retour-deric-walter-vire-aout-dernier-261739

    Débarqué le 1er août sans préavis ou presque, l’ancien secrétaire général de la Hadopi, Eric Walter, pourrait bien reprendre sa place. Du moins temporairement : selon Next Inpact, le juge des référés, saisi par l’ancienne figure de la Haute autorité, a en effet suspendu la décision qui a mené à son éviction, jugeant que cette dernière résultait d’une « erreur d’appréciation ». En attendant le jugement de l’affaire au fond, Eric Walter doit donc réintégrer l’équipe qui l’a éjecté. Ambiance. Brouille sur fond de resserrement budgétaire Le site spécialisé, qui publie...

    #propriété_intellectuelle #droits_d'auteur


  • Urgent action needed to combat online violence against women & girls, says new UN report
    http://www.broadbandcommission.org/publications/Pages/bb-and-gender-2015.aspx
    http://www.broadbandcommission.org/PublishingImages/BB%20Report%20and%20Documents/150%20X%20200/WG-Gender2015-report-cover.jpg

    Key findings of the report include:

    – An estimated 73 percent of women have already been exposed to, or have experienced, some form of online violence.
    – Women in the age range of 18 to 24 are uniquely likely to experience stalking and sexual harassment in addition to physical threats.
    – Nine million women in the European Union’s 28 countries alone have experienced online violence as young as 15 years old.
    – One in five female Internet users live in countries where harassment and abuse of women online is extremely unlikely to be punished.
    – In many countries women are reluctant to report their victimization for fear of social repercussions.
    – Cyber VAWG puts a premium on emotional bandwidth, personal and workplace time, financial resources and missed wages.

    (...)

    The report presents a set of Key Recommendations, proposing a global framework based around three ‘S’s – Sensitization, Safeguards and Sanctions.

    – Sensitization – Preventing cyber VAWG through training, learning, campaigning and community development to promote changes in in social attitudes and behavior.
    – Safeguards – Implementing oversight and maintaining a responsible internet infrastructure through technical solutions and more informed customer care practices
    – Sanctions – Develop and uphold laws, regulations and governance mechanisms to deter perpetrators from committing these acts.

    #rapport #femmes #internet #violence_en_ligne ; parmi les propositions une espèce d’extension de #hadopi aux #trolls #sexistes : #surveillance, fermeture de comptes, etc.

    http://seenthis.net/messages/412108 via Fil


  • Cinq ans à #RSF, d’Hadopi en loi renseignement : « Un pessimisme joyeux »
    http://rue89.nouvelobs.com/2015/08/29/cinq-ans-a-rsf-dhadopi-loi-renseignement-pessimisme-joyeux-260972

    Grégoire Pouget, alias Barbayellow sur son blog, quitte Reporters sans frontières (RSF) « après cinq années passées à animer des formations à la sécurité numérique, lancer des actions de plaidoyers, publier des communiqués et des rapports sur sur la censure et la surveillance en ligne ». Il dresse un constat « sans appel : les libertés numériques ont largement reculé ». La loi #Hadopi en 2010, à son arrivée à RSF, était « LA mauvaise loi sur #Internet », et pourtant elle n’est rien par rapport à ce qui a été voté récemment : « Nous avons assisté ces deux...

    #libertés_publiques #loi_sur_le_renseignement #militantisme


  • Conflit à l’Hadopi : le Secrétaire général débarqué
    http://rue89.nouvelobs.com/rue89-culture/2015/08/03/conflit-a-lhadopi-secretaire-general-debarque-260570

    C’est la fin d’une époque. Selon des informations de Next Inpact, Eric Walter, le secrétaire général de la #Hadopi (Haute Autorité pour la diffusion des œuvres et la protection des droits sur internet) a été débarqué la semaine dernière. Le licenciement aurait pris effet dès le 1er août. S’il n’en dit pas plus sur les conditions de son départ, le principal concerné vient de confirmer, sur Twitter, qu’il n’était effectivement plus en poste. Colère des ayants-droits Contactée, la célèbre institution chargée de trouver une solution au problème du piratage en France, n’a pour...

    #propriété_intellectuelle


  • La #HADOPI : totem et tabou - Rapport du Sénat (8 juillet 2015)
    http://www.senat.fr/notice-rapport/2014/r14-600-notice.html

    Le 1er octobre 2010, les premières recommandations de la procédure de réponse graduée étaient envoyées aux internautes. Après plusieurs mois de débats houleux à l’Assemblée nationale et au Sénat, une censure éclatante du Conseil Constitutionnel et une levée de boucliers des défenseurs de la liberté de l’Internet, la Haute Autorité pour la diffusion des oeuvres et la protection des droits sur Internet (Hadopi) était née.

    Près de cinq ans plus tard, alors que les critiques ont laissé la place à l’indifférence et que ses moyens n’ont cessé de se réduire, quel est le bilan de la Hadopi ? Les résultats obtenus comme les évolutions techniques du piratage rendent-ils désormais l’institution obsolète ? Au contraire, ne doit-elle pas être maintenue, à tout le moins pour le symbole qu’elle représente en matière de protection des auteurs et de la création, à l’heure où ils n’ont jamais tant semblé en danger ?
    La mission d’information de la commission de la culture, de l’éducation et de la communication consacrée à la Hadopi a tenté de répondre à ces questions et d’envisager ce que pourrait être une Hadopi rénovée, instrument efficient des politiques de lutte contre le #piratage et interlocuteur respecté des internautes.

    A l’issue de quatre mois de travaux, une vingtaine d’auditions et deux déplacements, respectivement à Bruxelles et dans les locaux de la Hadopi, M. Loïc Hervé (UDI-UC - Haute-Savoie) et Mme Corinne Bouchoux (ECOLO - Maine-et-Loire), co-rapporteurs de la mission d’information, développent douze propositions pour une Hadopi modernisée, outil parmi d’autres de la lutte contre la #contrefaçon culturelle et de la protection du droit des auteurs sur #Internet.

    #droit_d'auteur via @mona

    http://seenthis.net/messages/388443 via tbn