• Le saccage de la Syrie par le despote que par la barbarie des opposants
    http://www.argotheme.com/organecyberpresse/spip.php?article3489

    L’objectif de créer une entité étatique, par les tenants de la charia, là où des nations perdent le contrôle de certaines parties de leurs populations et des territoires, est le projet islamiste que se partagent les musulmans dont on soupçonne la radicalisation. Sur les zones à cheval entre l’Irak et la Syrie, ce projet n’est pas éradiqué. Malgré l’impuissance des factions affidées aux différents labels, type Al-Qaïda et Daesh, la possibilité existe. Et leurs frappes continuent... Le contrôle de (...)

    conflits, situation, points chauds, monde, international, efforts, position, opinion, interventionnisme,

    / #Syrie,_opposition,_Turquie,_Qatar,_armée,_Alep,_Damas,_Bashar_Al-Assad,_Liban, #Israël,_Proche-Orient,_EPU,_droits_de_l’homme,_ONU, USA, Maison Blanche, (...)

    #conflits,situation,_points_chauds,_monde,_international,_efforts,_position,_opinion,_interventionnisme, #USA,_Maison_Blanche,_CIA
    https://www.washingtoninstitute.org/uploads/Documents/pubs/SyriaPolicy-FINAL.pdf


  • Le saccage de la Syrie par le despote que par la barbarie des opposants
    https://www.argotheme.com/organecyberpresse/spip.php?article3489

    L’objectif de créer une entité étatique, par les tenants de la charia, là où des nations perdent le contrôle de certaines parties de leurs populations et des territoires, est le projet islamiste que se partagent les musulmans dont on soupçonne la radicalisation. Sur les zones à cheval entre l’Irak et la Syrie, ce projet n’est pas éradiqué. Malgré l’impuissance des factions affidées aux différents labels, type Al-Qaïda et Daesh, la possibilité existe. Et leurs frappes continuent... Le contrôle de (...)

    conflits, situation, points chauds, monde, international, efforts, position, opinion, interventionnisme,

    / #Syrie,_opposition,_Turquie,_Qatar,_armée,_Alep,_Damas,_Bashar_Al-Assad,_Liban, #Israël,_Proche-Orient,_EPU,_droits_de_l’homme,_ONU, USA, Maison Blanche, (...)

    #conflits,situation,_points_chauds,_monde,_international,_efforts,_position,_opinion,_interventionnisme, #USA,_Maison_Blanche,_CIA
    https://www.washingtoninstitute.org/uploads/Documents/pubs/SyriaPolicy-FINAL.pdf


  • *Six points à retenir suite aux élections en Israël*

    La victoire de Netanyahu

    Non seulement Netanyahu a remporté les élections, mais son parti a augmenté le nombre de ses membres dans la nouvelle Knesset de 30 à 36, soit un nombre de plus que la liste des chefs d’état-major des FDI (liste bleue-blanche). Son grand succès a été rendu possible en attirant les votes d’autres partis d’extrême droite : la liste de son ancien ministre de l’Education, Naftali Benett, et de son ancien ministre de la Justice, Ayelet Shaked (La nouvelle droite) n’a même pas obtenu le minimum afin d’entrer à la Knesset. La campagne personnalisée de Netanyahu (« moi ou la gauche ») était le bon choix. Le bloc de la droite, c’est-à-dire les partis qui ont déjà indiqué tout au long de la campagne qu’ils feraient partie de la coalition de Netanyahu, représentent 65 membres de la Knesset sur 120, soit une nette majorité avant même la négociation.

    https://entreleslignesentrelesmots.blog/2019/04/15/six-points-a-retenir-suite-aux-elections-en-israel

    #israel


  • Bernie Sanders pour les droits à la santé, des femmes, des minorités et des Palestiniens
    https://www.argotheme.com/organecyberpresse/spip.php?article3482

    Bernie Sanders est le 1er juif des Etats-Unis à avoir atteint une finale d’investiture de grand parti politique. Cela n’a pas empêché que le puissant et influent lobby l’évite aussi. Malgré son âge, il est perçu comme le prochain concurrent de Donald Trump. Et les premiers sondages, comme en 2016, le donnent aussi comme le seul à être en égalité avec l’actuel locataire de la Maison Blanche. Sanders a vécu une partie de sa jeunesse dans un kibboutz. Sa famille vit toujours en Israël, que cela peut (...)

    Actualité, événement, opinion, intérêt général, information, scoop, primauté

    / #diplomatie,_sécurité,_commerce,_économie_mondiale, #Israël,_Proche-Orient,_EPU,_droits_de_l’homme,_ONU, #économie,_politique,_arts,_corruption,_opposition,_démocratie, Obama, USA, Israël, Proche-Orient, (...)

    #Actualité,événement,_opinion,_intérêt_général,_information,_scoop,_primauté #Obama,_USA,_Israël,_Proche-Orient,_Palestine


  • Bernie Sanders pour les droits à la santé, des femmes, des minorités et des Palestiniens
    http://www.argotheme.com/organecyberpresse/spip.php?article3482

    Bernie Sanders est le 1er juif des Etats-Unis à avoir atteint une finale d’investiture de grand parti politique. Cela n’a pas empêché que le puissant et influent lobby l’évite aussi. Malgré son âge, il est perçu comme le prochain concurrent de Donald Trump. Et les premiers sondages, comme en 2016, le donnent aussi comme le seul à être en égalité avec l’actuel locataire de la Maison Blanche. Sanders a vécu une partie de sa jeunesse dans un kibboutz. Sa famille vit toujours en Israël, que cela peut (...)

    Actualité, événement, opinion, intérêt général, information, scoop, primauté

    / #diplomatie,_sécurité,_commerce,_économie_mondiale, #Israël,_Proche-Orient,_EPU,_droits_de_l’homme,_ONU, #économie,_politique,_arts,_corruption,_opposition,_démocratie, Obama, USA, Israël, Proche-Orient, (...)

    #Actualité,événement,_opinion,_intérêt_général,_information,_scoop,_primauté #Obama,_USA,_Israël,_Proche-Orient,_Palestine



  • Israel/Palestine : Les prisonniers palestiniens entament une grève #de la faim
    https://nantes.indymedia.org/articles/45242

    Aujourd’hui, 120 prisonniers palestiniens ont entamé une grève de la faim collective dans les #prisons israéliennes pour demander la fin de la répression en cours dans les prisons. Il est prévu que la grève s’intensifie le 17 avril, en Palestine et à l’échelle internationale à l’occasion de la Journée des prisonniers palestiniens. Les prisonniers sont représentés par un groupe de dirigeants représentant toutes les forces politiques dont Ahmad Sa’adat, dirigeant national palestinien et secrétaire général emprisonné du FPLP. La grève a été lancée suite au renoncement par le Service pénitentiaire d’Israël aux accords convenus dans le but d’atténuer le niveau de répression imposé aux (...)

    #Resistances #/ #centres #rétention #libérations #nationales #anti-repression #israel/palestine #Resistances,/,prisons,centres,de,rétention,libérations,nationales,anti-repression

    https://seenthis.net/messages/773370 via nantes.indymedia.org



  • La justice algérienne, quête sa virginité, peut-elle défaire la bande mafieuse ?
    http://www.argotheme.com/organecyberpresse/spip.php?article3463

    Le nouveau menu de travail, auquel sont interpellés les magistrats en Algérie, est de prouver leur indépendance du pouvoir. Après des décennies d’allégeance, c’est un domaine décisif que les proches de Bouteflika, et l’ensemble du personnel ayant gouverné, ne veulent lâcher leur emprise. Ce que redoutent les anciens dirigeants, de ce pays habité de prédation des richesses communes, qu’ils soient jugés pour leurs crimes d’associations de malfaiteurs politico-financiers... Le défilé qui a été fait, par (...)

    mouvement social, monde, revendications, actions, politique, syndicat, lutte, travail, ouvriers,

    / #Israël,_Proche-Orient,_EPU,_droits_de_l’homme,_ONU, Terrorisme , islamisme , Al-Qaeda , politique , , #économie,_politique,_arts,_corruption,_opposition,_démocratie, Afrique, Monde Arabe, islam, (...)

    #mouvement_social,monde,_revendications,_actions,_politique,_syndicat,_lutte,_travail,_ouvriers, #Terrorisme_,_islamisme,Al-Qaeda,politique,_ #Afrique,_Monde_Arabe,_islam,_Maghreb,_Proche-Orient,


  • Old Palestinian photos & films hidden in IDF archive show different history than Israeli claims
    https://i1.wp.com/israelpalestinenews.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/LootedFilms.png?resize=728%2C410&ssl=1#.jpg

    Palestinian photos and films seized by Israeli troops have been gathering dust in the army and Defense Ministry archives until Dr. Rona Sela, a curator and art historian, exposed them. The material presents an alternative to the Zionist history that denied the Palestinians’ existence here, she says.

    The initial reaction is one of incredulity: Why is this material stored in the Israel Defense Forces and Defense Ministry Archive? The first item is labeled, in Hebrew, “The History of Palestine from 1919,” the second, “Paintings by Children Who Go to School and Live in a Refugee Camp and Aspire to Return to Palestine.” The third is, “Depiction of the IDF’s Treatment and Harsh Handling of Palestinians in the Territories.”

    Of all places, these three reels of 16-mm film are housed in the central archive that documents Israel’s military-security activities. It’s situated in Tel Hashomer, near the army’s National Induction Center, outside Tel Aviv.

    IDF archive contains 2.7 million photos, 38,000 films

    The three items are barely a drop in an ocean of some 38,000 films, 2.7 million photographs, 96,000 audio recordings and 46,000 maps and aerial photos that have been gathered into the IDF Archive since 1948, by order of Israel’s first prime minister and defense minister, David Ben-Gurion. However, a closer perusal shows that this particular “drop in the ocean” is subversive, exceptional and highly significant.

    The footage in question is part of a collection – whose exact size and full details remain unknown – of “war booty films” seized by the IDF from Palestinian archives in raids over the years, though primarily in the 1982 Lebanon War.

    Recently, however, following a persistent, protracted legal battle, the films confiscated in Lebanon, which had been gathering dust for decades – instead of being screened in cinematheques or other venues in Israel – have been rescued from oblivion, along with numerous still photos. The individual responsible for this development is Dr. Rona Sela, a curator and researcher of visual history at Tel Aviv University.

    For nearly 20 years, Sela has been exploring Zionist and Palestinian visual memory. She has a number of important revelations and discoveries to her credit, which she has published in the form of books, catalogs and articles. Among the Hebrew-language titles are “Photography in Palestine/Eretz-Israel in the ‘30s and ‘40s” (2000) and “Made Public: Palestinian Photographs in Military Archives in Israel” (2009). In March, she published an article in the English-language periodical Social Semiotics on, “The Genealogy of Colonial Plunder and Erasure – Israel’s Control over Palestinian Archives.”

    Now Sela has made her first film, “Looted and Hidden: Palestinian Archives in Israel,” an English-language documentary that surveys the fate of Palestinian photographs and films that were “captured” and deposited in Israeli archives. It includes heretofore unseen segments from films seized by the IDF from Palestinian archives in Beirut. These documentary records, Sela says, “were erased from consciousness and history” for decades.

    Sela begins journey in 1998

    Getting access to the films was not easy, Sela explains. Her archival journey began in 1998, when she was researching Zionist propaganda films and photos that sought to portray the “new Jew” – muscular, proudly tilling the soil – in contradistinction, according to the Zionist perception, to the supposedly degenerate and loutish Palestinian Arab.

    “After spending a few years in the Central Zionist Archive in Jerusalem and in other Zionist archives, researching the history of Zionist photography and the construction of a visual propaganda apparatus supporting the Zionist idea, I started to look for Palestinian visual representation as well, in order to learn about the Palestinian narrative and trace its origins and influence,” she says.

    That task was far more complicated than anyone could have imagined. In some of the Zionist films and photos, Sela was able to discern, often incidentally, episodes from Palestinian history that had “infiltrated” them, as she puts it. For example, in Carmel Newsreels (weekly news footage screened at local cinemas) from 1951, showing the settlement of Jews in Jaffa, demolished and abandoned Arab homes are clearly visible.

    Subsequently, Sela spotted traces and remnants of a genuine Palestinian visual archive occasionally cropping up in Israeli archives. Those traces were not immediately apparent, more like an elusive treasure concealed here and there beneath layers of restrictions, erasures and revisions.

    Khalil Rassass, father of Palestinian photojournalism

    Thus, one day she noticed in the archive of the pre-state Haganah militia, stills bearing the stamp “Photo Rissas.” Digging deeper, she discovered the story of Chalil Rissas (Khalil Rassass, 1926-1974), one of the fathers of Palestinian photojournalism. He’s unknown to the general public, whether Palestinian or Israel, but according to Sela, he was a “daring, groundbreaking photographer” who, motivated by a sense of national consciousness, documented the pre-1948 Palestinian struggle.

    Subsequently she found hundreds of his photographs, accompanied by captions written by soldiers or Israeli archive staff who had tried to foist a Zionist narrative on them and disconnect them from their original context. The source of the photographs was a Jewish youth who received them from his father, an IDF officer who brought them back with him from the War of Independence as booty.

    The discovery was unprecedented. In contrast to the Zionist propaganda images that exalted the heroism of the Jewish troops and barely referred to the Palestinians, Rissas’ photographs were mainly of Palestinian fighters. Embodying a proud Palestinian stance, they focused on the national and military struggle and its outcome, including the Palestinians’ military training and deployment for battle.

    “I realized that I’d come across something significant, that I’d found a huge cache of works by one of the fathers of Palestinian photography, who had been the first to give visual expression to the Palestinian struggle,” Sela recalls. “But when I tried to learn more about Chalil Rissas, I understood that he was a forgotten photographer, that no one knew the first thing about him, either in Israel or elsewhere.”

    Sela thereupon decided to study the subject herself. In 1999, she tracked down Rissas’ brother, Wahib, who was working as a photographer of tourists on the Temple Mount / Haram a-Sharif in Jerusalem’s Old City. He told her the story of Chalil’s life. It turned out that he had accompanied Palestinian troops and leaders, visually documenting the battles fought by residents of the Jerusalem area during the 1948 War of Independence. “He was a young man who chose the camera as an instrument for changing people’s consciousness,” Sela says.

    Ali Za’arur, forgotten Palestinian photographer

    Around 2007, she discovered the archive of another forgotten Palestinian photographer, Ali Za’arur (1900-1972), from Azzariyeh, a village east of Jerusalem. About 400 of his photos were preserved in four albums. They also depicted scenes from the 1948 war, in which Za’arur accompanied the forces of Jordan’s Arab Legion and documented the battle for the Old City of Jerusalem. He photographed the dead, the ruins, the captives, the refugees and the events of the cease-fire.

    In the Six-Day War of 1967, Za’arur fled from his home for a short time. When he returned, he discovered that the photo albums had disappeared. A relative, it emerged, had given them to Jerusalem Mayor Teddy Kollek as a gift. Afterward, the Jerusalem Foundation donated them to the IDF Archive. In 2008, in an unprecedented act, the archive returned the albums to Za’arur’s family. The reason, Sela surmises, is that the albums were captured by the army in battle. In any event, this was, as far as is known, a unique case.

    Sela took heart from the discoveries she’d made, realizing that “with systematic work, it would be possible to uncover more Palestinian archives that ended up in Israeli hands.”

    That work was three-pronged: doing archival research to locate Palestinian photographs and films that had been incorporated into Israeli archives; holding meetings with the Palestinian photographers themselves, or members of their families; and tracking down Israeli soldiers who had taken part in “seizing these visual spoils” and in bringing them to Israel.

    In the course of her research Sela met some fascinating individuals, among them Khadijeh Habashneh, a Jordan-based Palestinian filmmaker who headed the archive and cinematheque of the Palestinian Cinema Institute. That institution, which existed from the end of the 1960s until the early ‘80s, initially in Jordan and afterward in Lebanon, was founded by three pioneering Palestinian filmmakers – Sulafa Jadallah, Hani Jawhariyyeh and Mustafa Abu Ali (Habashneh’s husband) – who sought to document their people’s way of life and national struggle. Following the events of Black September in 1970, when the Jordanian army and the Palestine Liberation Organization fought a bloody internecine war, the filmmakers moved to Lebanon and reestablished the PCI in Beirut.

    Meeting with Habashneh in Amman in 2013, Sela heard the story of the Palestinian archives that disappeared, a story she included in her new documentary. “Where to begin, when so much material was destroyed, when a life project falls apart?” Habashneh said to Sela. “I can still see these young people, pioneers, bold, imbued with ideals, revolutionaries, who created pictures and films and documented the Palestinian revolution that the world doesn’t want to see. They refused to be faceless and to be without an identity.”

    The archive established by Habashneh contained forgotten works that documented the Palestinians’ suffering in refugee camps, the resistance to Israel and battles against the IDF, as well as everyday life. The archive contained the films and the raw materials of the PCI filmmakers, but also collected other early Palestinian films, from both before and after 1948.

    Spirit of liberation

    This activity reflects “a spirit of liberation and revolt and the days of the revolution,” Habashneh says in Sela’s film, referring to the early years of the Palestinian national movement. That spirit was captured in underground photographs and with a minimal budget, on film that was developed in people’s kitchens, screened in tents in refugee camps and distributed abroad. Women, children, fighters, intellectuals and cultural figures, and events of historic importance were documented, Habashneh related. “As far as is known, this was the first official Palestinian visual archive,” Sela notes.

    In her conversation with Sela, Habashneh nostalgically recalled other, better times, when the Palestinian films were screened in a Beirut cinematheque, alongside other works with a “revolutionary spirit,” from Cuba, Chile, Vietnam and elsewhere. “We were in contact with filmmakers from other countries, who saw the camera as an instrument in the hands of the revolution and the people’s struggle,” she recalled.

    “Interesting cultural cooperation developed there, centering around revolutionary cinema,” Sela points out, adding, “Beirut was alive with an unprecedented, groundbreaking cultural flowering that was absolutely astonishing in terms of its visual significance.”

    IDF confiscates film archive

    But in 1982, after the IDF entered Beirut, that archive disappeared and was never seen again. The same fate befell two films made by Habashneh herself, one about children, the other about women. In Sela’s documentary, Habashneh wonders aloud about the circumstances in which the amazing collection disappeared. “Is our fate to live a life without a past? Without a visual history?” she asks. Since then, she has managed to reconstruct a small part of the archive. Some of the films turned up in the United States, where they had been sent to be developed. Copies of a few others remained in movie theaters in various countries where they were screened. Now in her seventies, Habashneh continues to pursue her mission, even though, as she told Sela during an early conversation, “the fate of the archive remains a puzzle.”

    What Habashneh wasn’t able to accomplish beginning in 1982 as part of a worldwide quest, Sela managed to do over the course of a few years of research in Israel. She began by locating a former IDF soldier who told her about the day on which several trucks arrived at the building in Beirut that housed a number of Palestinian archives and began to empty it out. That testimony, supported by a photograph, was crucial for Sela, as it corroborated the rumors and stories about the Palestinian archives having been taken to Israel.

    The same soldier added that he had been gripped by fear when he saw, among the photos that were confiscated from the archive, some that documented Israeli soldiers in the territories. He himself appeared in one of them. “They marked us,” he said to Sela.

    Soldiers loot Nashashibi photos & possessions, take photo from corpse

    Another former soldier told Sela about an unusual photo album that was taken (or looted, depending on one’s point of view) from the home of the prominent Nashashibi family in Jerusalem, in 1948. The soldier added that his father, who had served as an IDF officer in the War of Independence, entered a photography studio and made off with its archive, while other soldiers were busy looting pianos and other expensive objects from the Nashashibis. Another ex-soldier testified to having taken a photo from the corpse of an Arab. Over time, all these images found their way to archives in Israel, in particular the IDF Archive.

    Sela discovers IDF archive

    In 2000, Sela, buoyed by her early finds, requested permission from that archive to examine the visual materials that had been seized by the army in the 1980s. The initial response was denial: The material was not in Israel’s hands, she was told.

    “But I knew what I was looking for, because I had soldiers’ testimonies,” she says now, adding that when she persisted in her request, she encountered “difficulties, various restrictions and the torpedoing of the possibility of perusing the material.”

    The breakthrough came when she enlisted the aid of attorneys Michael Sfard and Shlomi Zacharia, in 2008. To begin with, they received word, confirmed by the Defense Ministry’s legal adviser, that various spoils taken in Beirut were now part of the IDF Archive. However, Sela was subsequently informed that “the PLO’s photography archive,” as the Defense Ministry referred in general to photographic materials taken from the Palestinians, is “archival material on matters of foreign affairs and security, and as such is ‘restricted material’ as defined in Par. 7(a) of the Archives Regulations.”

    Then, one day in 2010, Sela received a fax informing her that Palestinian films had been found in the IDF Archive, without elaboration, and inviting her to view them. “There were a few dozen segments from films, and I was astonished by what I saw,” she says. “At first I was shown only a very limited amount of footage, but it was indicative of the whole. On the basis of my experience, I understood that there was more.”

    A few more years of what Sela terms “endless nagging, conversations and correspondence” passed, which resulted in her being permitted to view dozens of segments of additional films, including some that apparently came from Habashneh’s archive. Sela also discovered another Palestinian archive that had been seized by the IDF. Established under the aegis of the PLO’s Cultural Arts Section, its director in the 1970s was the Lod-born painter and historian Ismail Shammout (1930-2006).

    One of the works in that collection is Shammout’s own film “The Urgent Call,” whose theme song was written and performed by the Palestinian singer Zainab Shathat in English, accompanying herself on the guitar. “The film was thought to be lost until I found it in the IDF Archive,” says Sela, who describes “The Urgent Call” as “a cry about the condition of Palestine, its sons and its daughters.”

    Viewing it takes one back in time to the late 1960s and early ‘70s, when the cinema of the Palestinian struggle briefly connected with other international revolutionary film movements.

    Legendary French filmmaker Jean-Luc Godard

    For example, in 1969 and 1970 Jean-Luc Godard, the legendary filmmaker of the French New Wave in cinema, visited Jordan and Lebanon several times with the Dziga Vertov Group of French filmmakers (named after the Soviet pioneer documentarian of the 1920s and ‘30s), who included filmmaker Jean-Pierre Gorin, who worked with Godard in his “radical” period. They came to shoot footage in refugee camps and in fedayeen bases for Godard’s film “Until Victory.” Habashneh told Sela that she and others had met Godard, assisted him and were of course influenced by his work. [Ed. note: Godard’s work on Palestine caused him to be accused of antisemitism by the Washington Post’s Richard Cohen and others. “In Hollywood there is no greater sin,” the Guardian reported.]

    Along with “The Urgent Call” – excerpts from which are included in her “Looted and Hidden” documentary – Sela also found another Shammout work in the IDF Archive. Titled “Memories and Fire,” it chronicles 20th-century Palestinian history, “from the days depicting the idyllic life in Palestine, via the documentation of refugeehood, to the documentation of the organizing and the resistance. To use the terms of the Palestinian cinema scholar and filmmaker George Khleifi, the aggressive fighter took the place of the ill-fated refugee,” she adds.

    Sela also found footage by the Iraqi director Kais al-Zubaidi, who worked for a time in the PLO’s Cultural Arts Section. His films from that period include “Away from Home” (1969) and “The Visit” (1970); in 2006 he published an anthology, “Palestine in the Cinema,” a history of the subject, which mentions some 800 films that deal with Palestine or the Palestinian people. [Ed. note: unfortunately it appears this book has never been translated into English.]

    IDF seals the archive for decades

    Some of the Palestinian movies in the IDF Archive bear their original titles. However, in many other cases this archival material was re-cataloged to suit the Israeli perspective, so that Palestinian “fighters” became “gangs” or “terrorists,” for example. In one case, a film of Palestinians undergoing arms training is listed as “Terrorist camp in Kuwait: Distribution of uniforms, girls crawling with weapons, terrorists marching with weapons in the hills, instruction in laying mines and in arms.”

    Sela: “These films and stills, though not made by Jewish/Israeli filmmakers or military units – which is the central criterion for depositing materials in the Israeli army archive – were transferred to the IDF Archive and subordinated to the rules of the State of Israel. The archive immediately sealed them for many decades and cataloged them according to its terminology – which is Zionist, Jewish and Israeli – and not according to the original Palestinian terminology. I saw places where the word ‘terrorists’ was written on photographs taken by Palestinians. But after all, they do not call themselves as such. It’s part of terminological camouflaging, which subordinated their creative work to the colonial process in which the occupier controls the material that’s captured.”

    Hidden Palestinian history

    Sela’s discoveries, which are of international importance, are not only a research, documentation and academic achievement: They also constitute a breakthrough in regard to the chronicling of Palestinian history. “Palestinian visual historiography lacks many chapters,” she observes. “Many photographs and archives were destroyed, were lost, taken as spoils or plundered in the various wars and in the course of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.”

    From her point of view, the systematic collecting of Palestinian visual materials in the IDF Archive “makes it possible to write an alternative history that counteracts the content created by the army and the military archive, which is impelled by ideological and political considerations.” In the material she found in the army archive, she sees “images that depict the history of the Palestinian people and its long-term ties to this soil and this place, which present an alternative to the Zionist history that denied the Palestinians’ existence here, as well as their culture and history and the protracted tragedy they endured and their national struggle of many years.”

    The result is an intriguing paradox, such as one often finds by digging deep into an archive. The extensive information that Sela found in the IDF Archive makes it possible to reconstruct elements of the pre-1948 existence of the Palestinians and to help fill in the holes of the Palestinian narrative up until the 1980s. In other words, even if Israel’s intention was to hide these items and to control the Palestinians’ historical treasures, its actions actually abet the process of preservation, and will go on doing so in the future.

    Earlier groundbreaking discovery – confiscated Palestinians books & libraries

    Sela’s research on visual archival materials was preceded by another groundbreaking study – dealing with the written word – conducted by Dr. Gish Amit, an expert on the cultural aspects of Zionism at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev. Amit chronicled the fate of Palestinian books and libraries that, like the photographs and films Sela found, ended up in Israeli archives – including in the National Library in Jerusalem.

    In his 2014 book, “Ex-Libris: Chronicles of Theft, Preservation, and Appropriating at the Jewish National Library” (Hebrew), Amit trenchantly analyzes the foredoomed failure of any attempt to conceal and control the history of others. According to him, “an archive remembers its forgettings and erasures,” “documents injustice, and thus makes it possible to trace its paths” and “paves a way for forgotten histories which may, one day, convict the owners” of the documents.

    However, Amit also sees the complexity of this story and presents another side of it. Describing the operation in which the Palestinian books were collected by Israeli soldiers and National Library personnel during the War of Independence, he raises the possibility that this was actually an act involving rescue, preservation and accessibility: “On the one hand, the books were collected and not burned or left in the abandoned houses in the Arab neighborhoods that had been emptied of their inhabitants. Had they not been collected their fate would have been sealed — not a trace of them would remain,” he writes, adding, that the National Library “protected the books from the war, the looting and the destruction, and from illegal trade in manuscripts.”

    According to the National Library, it is holding about 6,500 Palestinian books and manuscripts, which were taken from private homes whose owners left in 1948. The entire collection is cataloged and accessible to the general public, but is held under the responsibility of the Custodian of Absentees’ Property in the Finance Ministry. Accordingly, there is no intention, in the near future, of trying to locate the owners and returning the items.

    Israeli control over history

    Sela views the existence of these spoils of war in Israel as a direct expression of the occupation, which she defines, beyond Israel’s physical presence in the territories, as “the control of history, the writing of culture and the shaping of identity.” In her view, “Israel’s rule over the Palestinians is not only geographic but extends also to culture and consciousness. Israel wants to erase this history from the public consciousness, but it is not being successful, because the force of the resistance is stronger. Furthermore, its attempts to erase Palestinian history adversely affect Israel itself in the end.”

    At this point, Sela resorts to a charged comparison, to illustrate how visual materials contribute to the creation of personal and collective identity. “As the daughter of Holocaust survivors,” she says, “I grew up in a home without photographic historical memory. Nothing. My history starts only with the meeting of my parents, in 1953. It’s only from then that we have photos. Before that – nothing.

    “I know what it feels like when you have no idea what your grandmother or grandfather looked like, or your father’s childhood,” she continues. “This is all the more true of the history of a whole people. The construction of identity by means of visual materials is very meaningful. Many researchers have addressed this topic. The fact is that Zionist bodies made and are continuing to make extensive and rational use of [such materials too] over a period that spans decades.”

    Sela admits that there is still much to be done, but as far as she’s concerned, once a crack appeared in the wall, there was no turning back. “There is a great deal of material, including hundreds of films, that I haven’t yet got to,” she notes. “This is an amazing treasure, which contains information about the cultural, educational, rural and urban life of the Palestinian people throughout the 20th century – an erased narrative that needs to be restored to the history books,” she adds.

    Asked what she thinks should be done with the material, she asserts, “Of course it has to be returned. Just as Israel is constantly fighting to retrieve what the Nazis looted from Jews in the Holocaust. The historical story is different, but by the same criterion, practice what you preach. These are cultural and historical materials of the Palestinian people.”

    The fact that these items are being held by Israel “creates a large hole in Palestinian research and knowledge,” Sela avers. “It’s a hole for which Israel is responsible. This material does not belong to us. It has to be returned to its owners. Afterward, if we view it intelligently, we too can come to know and understand highly meaningful chapters in Palestinian history and in our own history. I think that the first and basic stage in the process of conciliation is to know the history of the Other and also your own history of controlling the Other.”

    Defense Ministry response

    A spokesperson for the Defense Ministry, which was asked to comment on the holdings in the IDF Archive, the archive contains 642 “war booty films,” most of which deal with refugees and were produced by the UNRWA (the United Nations refugee relief agency) in the 1960s and 1970s. The ministry also noted that 158 films that were seized by the IDF in the 1982 Lebanon War are listed in orderly fashion in the reading-room catalog and are available for perusal by the general public, including Arab citizens and Palestinians.

    As for the Palestinian photographs that were confiscated, the Defense Ministry stated that there is no orderly record of them. There are 127 files of photographs and negatives in the archive, each of which contains dozens of photographs, probably taken between the 1960s and the 1980s, on a variety of subjects, including visits of foreign delegations to PLO personnel, tours of PLO delegations abroad, Palestinian art and heritage, art objects, traditional attire and Palestinian folklore, factories and workshops, demonstrations, mass parades and rallies held by the PLO, portraits of Arab personalities and PLO symbols.

    The statement adds that a few months ago, crates were located that were stamped by their original owners, “PLO/Department of Information and National Guidance and Department of Information and Culture,” during the evacuation of the archive’s storerooms in the Tzrifin base.

    https://israelpalestinenews.org/old-palestinian-photos-films-hidden-idf-archive-show-different-
    #historicisation #Israël #Palestine #photographie #films #archive #histoire #Khalil_Rassass #Ali_Za’arur
    ping @reka @sinehebdo @albertocampiphoto

    https://seenthis.net/messages/762792 via CDB_77


  • A Jérusalem, des Palestiniens expulsés de chez eux au profit de colons israéliens AFP - 17 Février 2019 - RTBF
    https://www.rtbf.be/info/monde/detail_a-jerusalem-des-palestiniens-expulses-de-chez-eux-au-profit-de-colons-is

    Une famille palestinienne a été expulsée dimanche de sa maison dans la Vieille ville de Jérusalem au profit de colons israéliens, a constaté un photographe de l’AFP.

    Des affrontements ont éclaté entre les habitants du quartier, situé dans la partie palestinienne de Jérusalem, et la police peu après qu’une dizaine de colons israéliens ont investi la bâtisse, protégés par les forces de l’ordre.

    La maison était habitée par sept membres de la famille Abou Assab qui avait reçu un ordre d’éviction lui laissant jusqu’au 12 février pour quitter les lieux, selon l’ONG israélienne Ir Amim. Les Abou Assab y vivaient depuis les années 1960, d’après l’ONG.

    Le bâtiment appartenait à une famille juive avant la guerre de 1948, date de la création d’Israël, selon l’ONG israélienne La Paix Maintenant, qui lutte contre la colonisation par Israël des Territoires palestiniens.

    Expulsée de leur maison dans un autre quartier de Jérusalem en 1948, la famille Abou Assab s’était alors installée dans cette maison dont les habitants juifs avaient fui, a indiqué l’ONG dans un communiqué.

    https://ds1.static.rtbf.be/article/image/1248x702/6/0/e/700f7c1e975f4d566a9c4edc18bdc9564af90a54.jpg
    Des policiers israéliens arrêtent un membre de la famille palestinienne Abou Assab, qui proteste contre son éviction de leur maison dans la Vieille ville de Jérusalem-est, le 17 février 2019 - © AHMAD GHARABLI

    Retour des Juifs
    Grâce à une loi israélienne permettant le retour des Juifs dans leurs propriétés à Jérusalem-Est, partie palestinienne de la ville occupée et annexée par Israël, des colons israéliens ont pu s’installer après un recours en justice au nom de la famille juive propriétaire avant 1948, selon l’ONG.

    L’annexion de Jérusalem-Est n’a jamais été reconnue par la communauté internationale. D’après la loi israélienne, les Palestiniens ne peuvent pas réclamer les propriétés qu’ils ont abandonnées ou dont ils ont été chassés en 1948.

    « On habite là. C’est ma maison, c’est toute ma vie », s’est écriée devant les journalistes Rania Abou Assab, tandis que les colons, surplombant la foule, hissaient déjà des drapeaux israéliens tout autour de la terrasse.

    « Ils ont tout pris », a-t-elle ajouté avant de s’effondrer en pleurs, ses effets personnels se trouvant toujours dans le domicile auquel elle ne peut plus accéder.

    Mme Abou Assab a indiqué que son fils de 15 ans et son mari avaient été arrêtés après leur éviction. La police israélienne a confirmé l’arrestation de deux personnes pour « avoir perturbé les activités de la police », ne précisant pas si elles avaient été libérées depuis.

    A Jérusalem-Est, « presque toutes les propriétés qui appartenaient à des Juifs avant 1948 sont menacées » de voir leurs occupants palestiniens expulsés, a indiqué Hagit Ofran de La Paix Maintenant, assurant que des dizaines de maisons dans la Vieille ville avaient fini par aboutir depuis les années 1980 aux mains de colons israéliens.

    A Jérusalem-Est, environ 70 familles palestiniennes dans le quartier de Sheikh Jarrah et quelque 700 personnes dans le quartier de Silwan sont menacées d’expulsion car leurs propriétés appartenaient à des Juifs avant 1948,selon Mme Ofran.

    #palestine #jérusalem #Jérusalem-Est #israël #colonisation #israel #colonisation #apartheid

    https://seenthis.net/messages/760802 via BCE 106,6 Mhz


  • Israel just admitted arming anti-Assad Syrian rebels. Big mistake - Middle East News
    Haaretz.com - Daniel J. Levy Jan 30, 2019 5:03 PM
    https://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/.premium-israel-just-admitted-arming-anti-assad-syrian-rebels-big-mistake-1
    https://www.haaretz.com/polopoly_fs/1.6894955.1548861281!/image/2388285987.jpg_gen/derivatives/headline_1200x630/2388285987.jpg

    In his final days as the Israel Defense Forces’ Chief of Staff, Lieutenant General Gadi Eisenkot confirmed, on the record, that Israel had directly supported anti-Assad Syrian rebel factions in the Golan Heights by arming them.

    This revelation marks a direct break from Israel’s previous media policy on such matters. Until now, Israel has insisted it has only provided humanitarian aid to civilians (through field hospitals on the Golan Heights and in permanent healthcare facilities in northern Israel), and has consistently denied or refused to comment on any other assistance.

    In short, none other than Israel’s most (until recently) senior serving soldier has admitted that up until his statement, his country’s officially stated position on the Syrian civil war was built on the lie of non-intervention.

    As uncomfortable as this may initially seem, though, it is unsurprising. Israel has a long history of conducting unconventional warfare. That form of combat is defined by the U.S. government’s National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2016 as “activities conducted to enable a resistance movement or insurgency to coerce, disrupt or overthrow an occupying power or government by operating through or with an underground, auxiliary or guerrilla force in a denied area” in the pursuit of various security-related strategic objectives.

    While the United States and Iran are both practitioners of unconventional warfare par excellence, they primarily tend to do so with obvious and longer-term strategic allies, i.e. the anti-Taliban Northern Alliance fighters in Afghanistan, and various Shia militias in post-2003 Iraq.

    In contrast, Israel has always shown a remarkable willingness to form short-term tactical partnerships with forces and entities explicitly hostile to its very existence, as long as that alliance is able to offer some kind of security-related benefits.

    The best example of this is Israel’s decision to arm Tehran during the Iran-Iraq War, despite the Islamic Republic of Iran’s strong anti-Zionist rhetoric and foreign policy. During the 1980s, Iraq remained Jerusalem’s primary conventional (and arguably existential) military threat. Aiding Tehran to continue fighting an attritional war against Baghdad reduced the risk the latter posed against Israel.

    Similarly, throughout the civil war in Yemen in the 1960s, Israel covertly supported the royalist Houthi forces fighting Egyptian-backed republicans. Given Egypt’s very heavy military footprint in Yemen at the time (as many as a third of all Egyptian troops were deployed to the country during this period), Israelis reasoned that this military attrition would undermine their fighting capacity closer to home, which was arguably proven by Egypt’s lacklustre performance in the Six Day War.

    Although technically not unconventional warfare, Israel long and openly backed the South Lebanon Army, giving it years of experience in arming, training, and mentoring a partner indigenous force.

    More recently, though, Israel’s policy of supporting certain anti-Assad rebel groups remains consistent with past precedents of with whom and why it engages in unconventional warfare. Israel’s most pressing strategic concern and potential threat in Syria is an Iranian encroachment onto its northern border, either directly, or through an experienced and dangerous proxy such as Hezbollah, key to the Assad regime’s survival.

    For a number of reasons, Israel committing troops to overt large-scale operations in Syria to prevent this is simply unfeasible. To this end, identifying and subsequently supporting a local partner capable of helping Israel achieve this strategic goal is far more sensible, and realistic.

    Open source details of Israel’s project to support anti-Assad rebel groups are sparse, and have been since the outbreak of the Syrian civil war.

    Reports of this first arose towards the end of 2014, and one described how United Nations officials had witnessed Syrian rebels transferring injured patients to Israel, as well as “IDF soldiers on the Israeli side handing over two boxes to armed Syrian opposition members on the Syrian side.” The same report also stated that UN observers said they saw “two IDF soldiers on the eastern side of the border fence opening the gate and letting two people enter Israel.”

    Since then, a steady stream of similar reports continued to detail Israeli contacts with the Syrian rebels, with the best being written and researched by Elizabeth Tsurkov. In February, 2014 she wrote an outstanding feature for War On The Rocks, where she identified Liwaa’ Fursan al-Jolan and Firqat Ahrar Nawa as two groups benefiting from Israeli support, named Iyad Moro as “Israel’s contact person in Beit Jann,” and stated that weaponry, munitions, and cash were Israel’s main form of military aid.

    She also describes how Israel has supported its allied groups in fighting local affiliates of Islamic State with drone strikes and high-precision missile attacks, strongly suggesting, in my view, the presence of embedded Israeli liaison officers of some kind.

    A 2017 report published by the United Nations describes how IDF personnel were observed passing supplies over the Syrian border to unidentified armed individuals approaching them with convoys of mules, and although Israel claims that these engagements were humanitarian in nature, this fails to explain the presence of weaponry amongst the unidentified individuals receiving supplies from them.

    Writing for Foreign Policy in September 2018, Tsurkov again detailed how Israel was supporting the Syrian rebel factions, stating that material support came in the form of “assault rifles, machine guns, mortar launchers and transport vehicles,” which were delivered “through three gates connecting the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights to Syria - the same crossings Israel used to deliver humanitarian aid to residents of southern Syria suffering from years of civil war.” She also dates this support to have begun way back in 2013.

    The one part of Israel’s involvement in the Syrian Civil War which has been enthusiastically publicised, though, has been its ongoing humanitarian operations in the Golan. Dubbed “Operation Good Neighbor,” this was established in June 2016, and its stated aim is to “provide humanitarian aid to as many people as possible while maintaining Israel’s policy of non-involvement in the conflict.”

    Quite clearly, this is - at least in parts - a lie, as even since before its official commencement, Israel was seemingly engaging with and supporting various anti-Assad factions.

    Although Operation Good Neighbor patently did undertake significant humanitarian efforts in southern Syria for desperate Syrian civilians (including providing free medical treatment, infrastructure support, and civilian aid such as food and fuel), it has long been my personal belief that it was primarily a smokescreen for Israel’s covert unconventional warfare efforts in the country.

    Although it may be argued that deniability was initially necessary to protect Israel’s Syrian beneficiaries who could not be seen to be working with Jerusalem for any number of reasons (such as the likely detrimental impact this would have on their local reputation if not lives), this does not justify Israel’s outright lying on the subject. Instead, it could have mimicked the altogether more sensible approach of the British government towards United Kingdom Special Forces, which is simply to restate their position of not commenting, confirming, or denying any potentially relevant information or assertions.

    Israel is generous in its provision of humanitarian aid to the less fortunate, but I find it impossible to believe that its efforts in Syria were primarily guided by altruism when a strategic objective as important as preventing Iran and its proxies gaining a toehold on its northern border was at stake.

    Its timing is interesting and telling as well. Operation Good Neighbor was formally put in place just months after the Assad regime began its Russian-backed counter-offensive against the rebel factions, and ceased when the rebels were pushed out of southern Syria in September 2018.

    But it’s not as if that September there were no longer civilians who could benefit from Israeli humanitarian aid, but an absence of partners to whom Israel could feasibly directly dispatch arms and other supplies. Although Israel did participate in the rescue of a number of White Helmets, this was done in a relatively passive manner (allowing their convoy to drive to Jordan through Israeli territory), and also artfully avoided escalating any kind of conflict with the Assad’s forces and associated foreign allies.

    Popular opinion - both in Israel and amongst Diaspora Jews - was loud and clear about the ethical necessity of protecting Syrian civilians (especially from historically-resonant gas attacks). But it’s unlikely this pressure swung Israel to intervene in Syria. Israel already had a strong interest in keeping Iran and its proxies out southern Syria, and that would have remained the case, irrespective of gas attacks against civilians.

    Although Israel has gone to great lengths to conceal its efforts at unconventional warfare within the Syrian civil war, it need not have. Its activities are consistent with its previous efforts at promoting strategic objectives through sometimes unlikely, if not counter-intuitive, regional partners.

    Perhaps the reason why Eisenkot admitted that this support was taking place was because he knew that it could not be concealed forever, not least since the fall of the smokescreen provided by Operation Good Neighbor. But the manner in which Israel operated may have longer-term consequences.

    Israel is unlikely to change how it operates in the future, but may very well find future potential tactical partners less than willing to cooperate with it. In both southern Lebanon and now Syria, Israel’s former partners have found themselves exposed to dangers borne out of collaboration, and seemingly abandoned.

    With that kind of history and record, it is likely that unless they find themselves in desperate straits, future potential partners will think twice before accepting support from, and working with, Israel.

    For years, Israel has religiously adhered to the official party line that the country’s policy was non-intervention, and this has now been exposed as a lie. Such a loss of public credibility may significantly inhibit its abilities to conduct influence operations in the future.

    Daniel J. Levy is a graduate of the Universities of Leeds and Oxford, where his academic research focused on Iranian proxies in Syria, Lebanon, Iraq and Palestine. He lives in the UK and is the Founding Director of The Ortakoy Security Group. Twitter: @danielhalevy

    #IsraelSyrie

    https://seenthis.net/messages/756747 via Loutre



  • Le verdict pour Merzoug Touati est annulé, mais il reste en prison et sera rejugé
    https://www.argotheme.com/organecyberpresse/spip.php?article3416

    Selon une dépêche de l’AFP du 24 janvier 2019, prenant source de l’avocat du blogueur Merzoug Touati, un tribunal a annulé, ce jour même, la peine de 7 années d’emprisonnement infligée à son client. Il est dans l’attente d’un nouveau procès, a déclaré Salah Dabouz son défenseur. En avril 2018, le tribunal de Ghardaïa a condamné huit personnes, toutes d’origine africaine, à 10 ans de prison pour espionnage au profit d’Israël. Nous avons relaté l’information qui paraissait invraisemblable, lire ICI. Et aussi (...)

    #associations,_mouvement,_vie_associative,_initiatives_citoyennes,_intérêt_commun,_communauté,_Etat,_institution

    / Netanyahou, François Hollande, Toulouse, Canard Enchaîné, Israël, élections , censure, presse, journaux, dictature, expressions, liberté, journaliste, poète, poésie, livre, écrits, (...)

    #Netanyahou,François_Hollande,_Toulouse,_Canard_Enchaîné,_Israël,_élections #censure,presse,_journaux,_dictature,_expressions,_liberté #_journaliste,_poète,_poésie,_livre,_écrits #Israël,_Proche-Orient,_EPU,_droits_de_l’homme,_ONU #Afrique,_Monde_Arabe,_islam,_Maghreb,_Proche-Orient, #Maghreb,_Algérie,_Tunisie,_Maroc,_Libye,_Africa,_population,_société


  • Le verdict pour Merzoug Touati est annulé, mais il reste en prison et sera rejugé
    http://www.argotheme.com/organecyberpresse/spip.php?article3416

    Selon une dépêche de l’AFP du 24 janvier 2019, prenant source de l’avocat du blogueur Merzoug Touati, un tribunal a annulé, ce jour même, la peine de 7 années d’emprisonnement infligée à son client. Il est dans l’attente d’un nouveau procès, a déclaré Salah Dabouz son défenseur. En avril 2018, le tribunal de Ghardaïa a condamné huit personnes, toutes d’origine africaine, à 10 ans de prison pour espionnage au profit d’Israël. Nous avons relaté l’information qui paraissait invraisemblable, lire ICI. Et aussi (...)

    #associations,_mouvement,_vie_associative,_initiatives_citoyennes,_intérêt_commun,_communauté,_Etat,_institution

    / Netanyahou, François Hollande, Toulouse, Canard Enchaîné, Israël, élections , censure, presse, journaux, dictature, expressions, liberté, journaliste, poète, poésie, livre, écrits, (...)

    #Netanyahou,François_Hollande,_Toulouse,_Canard_Enchaîné,_Israël,_élections #censure,presse,_journaux,_dictature,_expressions,_liberté #_journaliste,_poète,_poésie,_livre,_écrits #Israël,_Proche-Orient,_EPU,_droits_de_l’homme,_ONU #Afrique,_Monde_Arabe,_islam,_Maghreb,_Proche-Orient, #Maghreb,_Algérie,_Tunisie,_Maroc,_Libye,_Africa,_population,_société


  • *Israël. Le retour du militarisme*

    Le culte de l’idole est de retour : le militarisme est de retour. Non pas qu’il nous ait jamais quittés, mais après la guerre du Kippour de 1973, il y a eu quelques bonnes années de modestie, d’humilité, voire de honte. Et maintenant, il est de retour, c’est un grand moment.

    https://entreleslignesentrelesmots.blog/2019/01/24/israel-le-retour-du-militarisme
    #israel


  • *Les soldats de « l’armée de défense israélienne » apprennent à tuer des civils désarmés. Mais ils jouissent de l’immunité face à toute enquête*

    Une armée qui forme des soldats qui tuent un enfant de 11 ans à 100 mètres de distance ne peut pas être prête pour une vraie guerre, sauf pour déposséder et expulser des civils palestiniens.

    https://entreleslignesentrelesmots.blog/2019/01/22/les-soldats-de-larmee-de-defense-israelienne-apprennent

    #israel


  • Le calvaire d’une musicienne palestinienne à l’aéroport de Tel Aviv
    Par Nai Bargouti (Traduit par Lionel R. pour CAPJPO-EuroPalestine)
    https://www.change.org/p/urgence-humanitaire-%C3%A0-gaza-lev%C3%A9e-du-blocus-opengaza/u/23886874
    https://assets.change.org/photos/0/qg/yw/rBQgywsRCGMlMed-1600x900-noPad.jpg?1547593083

    (...) L’un des aspects les plus dangereux des régimes d’oppression coloniale est qu’ils s’efforcent d’occuper l’esprit des opprimés, pas seulement leur pays.
    Nous sommes arrivés à l’aéroport et j’essayais de convaincre ma mère de ne pas attendre que j’en aie fini avec le test de « sécurité » déshumanisant, comme elle le fait toujours. Bien que j’aime toujours voir son visage de loin, derrière l’épaisse vitre, je décidai de renoncer à sa main rassurante, car je ressens tant de peine et de rage en la voyant débordant de colère et si impuissante lorsqu’elle voit tous ces agents de sécurité israéliens racistes qui tentent de m’humilier juste à cause de qui je suis, de ce que je suis, une Palestinienne... Je l’ai suppliée de partir, mais elle a insisté : « Je ne peux pas te laisser dans cet endroit horrible. On ne sait jamais ce qui se passe. » Elle avait raison !
    Mon nom arabe sur mon passeport a immédiatement révélé mon identité, les invitant à me réserver leur traitement « royal ». Lorsque l’agent de sécurité m’a demandé si je parlais hébreu et que j’ai dit non, sa colère était visible. Quand elle m’a demandé ce que je faisais à Amsterdam et que j’ai répondu que j’y étudiais le jazz, elle ne pouvait plus retenir son racisme. Comment pouvais-je avoir l’outrecuidance de ne pas satisfaire point par point au stéréotype raciste de la « femme arabe » ? Elle m’a dit que je devais subir une « fouille corporelle ».
    Je l’ai immédiatement accusée de racisme, de profilage racial et de vengeance contre moi à cause de qui je suis, de ce que je suis et de ce que je fais. Elle a alors répondu en me criant qu’elle faisait son travail. Je lui ai rappelé que des réponses de ce genre avaient servi à excuser de nombreux crimes innommables de l’Histoire.
    Elle s’est vengée en affirmant que mon ordinateur portable n’avait pas passé son contrôle de sécurité et ne pouvait donc rester dans mes bagages. Ceci en dépit du fait qu’elle m’avait déjà demandé de l’ouvrir et de l’allumer. Elle a dit qu’ils me l’enverraient plus tard, par colis postal à mon adresse à Amsterdam. Je ris de son audace et objectai fortement. De par ma propre expérience comme celle d’autres Palestiniens, je sais que laisser son ordinateur portable à la sécurité de l’aéroport Ben Gourion signifie inévitablement qu’il sera piraté, endommagé, voire carrément "perdu".
    Je lui ai dit que je ne pouvais pas voyager sans mon ordinateur portable car toutes mes notes de musique et de cours y étaient, et qu’à défaut je ne pouvais assister à aucun de mes cours.
    Son supérieur hiérarchique sur place a soutenu sa décision vindicative, avec pour conséquence de me faire rater mon vol. J’ai pris mon ordinateur portable et me suis dirigée vers l’endroit où ma mère m’attendait avec anxiété. Elle m’a saluée avec le plus chaud des câlins et quelques larmes, puis m’ a dit : « Ne t’ inquiète pas, nous allons trouver une solution. Je suis si fière de toi !"
    Le lendemain, elle m’a conduite au poste frontière avec la Jordanie. Après avoir passé une nuit agréable en famille à Amman, savourant les fameuses tartes au fromage blanc et aux épinards de ma grand-tante, j’ai traversé l’aéroport accueillant d’Amman et suis arrivée à Amsterdam en toute sécurité, avec mon ordinateur portable et ma dignité intacte. (...)

    https://mondoweiss.net/2019/01/defying-palestinian-musicians
    #frontières #BenGourion #Israel

    https://seenthis.net/messages/752505 via Loutre



  • *Israël est intouchable… dans les médias américains*

    Marc Lamont Hill est un écrivain états-unien et enseignant en communication auprès de la Temple University à Philadelphie, ainsi qu’analyste à CNN. Dans un discours prononcé la semaine dernière lors d’une conférence aux Nations Unies, il a appelé à « une action internationale qui nous donnera ce que la justice exige, à savoir une Palestine libre de la rivière à la mer ».

    https://entreleslignesentrelesmots.blog/2019/01/12/israel-est-intouchable-dans-les-medias-americains

    #israel #usa


  • Les États-Unis et Israël quittent l’Unesco ce lundi soir
    Gwendal Lavina, Le Figaro, le 31 décembre 2018
    http://www.lefigaro.fr/international/2018/12/31/01003-20181231ARTFIG00116-les-etats-unis-et-israel-quittent-l-unesco-ce-lun

    Les deux pays exécutent une décision annoncée en octobre 2017 en réponse à plusieurs résolutions de l’organisation qu’ils jugent « anti-israéliennes ». L’Unesco regrette ces deux retraits mais minimise leurs impacts.

    Certains observateurs craignent qu’au-delà d’affaiblir politiquement l’Unesco, ces deux retraits entament sérieusement le budget de l’organisation. Un diplomate bien informé balaye cet argument de la main et rappelle que les États-Unis et Israël ne payent plus leur cotisation obligatoire depuis 2011. Leur dette auprès de l’organisation s’élève ainsi à 620 millions de dollars pour les États-Unis et 10 millions de dollars pour Israël.

    Feuilleton à plusieurs épisodes :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/636965

    #UNESCO #USA #israel #Palestine #ONU #dette #escrocs #voleurs

    https://seenthis.net/messages/748168 via Dror@sinehebdo


  • *Falafel sauce piquante*

    https://entreleslignesentrelesmots.files.wordpress.com/2018/12/falafel-sauce-piquante-tome-1-falafel-sauce-piquante.jpg

    Michel Kichka est le dessinateur belgo-israélien qui est un des fondateurs avec Plantu de « Cartooning for peace ».
    Falafel sauce piquante est le titre de la BD autobiographique qu’il développe en 85 planches.

    Note sur : *Michel Kichka : Falafel sauce piquante*

    https://entreleslignesentrelesmots.blog/2018/12/31/falafel-sauce-piquante

    #bd #israël


  • *Ce n’est pas en s’en prenant à Netanyahou que la gauche sioniste se guérira de son complexe d’occupation*

    Toutes les catastrophes d’Israël n’ont pas commencé avec le meurtre de Rabin, et tous ses maux ne prendront pas fin lorsque Netanyahou sera remplacé. Mais quand on n’ a rien à offrir, on rejette toute la faute sur Netanyahou.

    https://entreleslignesentrelesmots.blog/2018/12/22/ce-nest-pas-en-sen-prenant-a-netanyahou-que-la-gauche-s

    #israel



  • LOBBY PRO-ISRAÉLIEN : LE DOCUMENTAIRE INTERDIT
    https://la-bas.org/5379

    La chaine Al Jazeera, propriété du Qatar, avait programmé le reportage d’un journaliste infiltré sur le très puissant lobby pro-israélien aux États-Unis. Mais finalement, ce documentaire n’a pas été diffusé suite à un « arrangement » entre le Qatar et le lobby pro-israélien qui a accepté d’adopter une attitude neutre dans le conflit entre l’Arabie Saoudite et le Qatar. Mais le site ORIENT XXI a pris la décision de diffuser ce reportage en libre accès. Alain GRESH, directeur d’Orient XXI, vient nous présenter ce documentaire en quatre parties.Continuer la lecture…

    #Vidéo #Israël #USA #Politique
    https://la-bas.org/IMG/arton5379.png?1545072859