The last chance of the Western proxies to overturn the outcome of the war in #Syria
The last chance of the Western proxies to overturn the outcome of the war in #Syria
Les médias US regrettent la fin du soutien secret accordé par leur gouvernement à des organisations meurtrières liées à Daesh et à Al Qaeda en Syrie
Media Mourn End of CIA Killing Syrians and Strengthening Al Qaeda | FAIR
The US government has finally announced an end to its years-long program to arm and train Syrian rebels. The initiative, one of the CIA’s largest covert operations, with billions of dollars of funding, fueled mass killing in Syria and significantly prolonged the country’s horrific war. Widely respected experts have also acknowledged that it greatly strengthened murderous extremist groups like ISIS and Al Qaeda.
If one only read corporate media reporting, however, you would likely think that the termination of the CIA program was an abject tragedy. Spin doctors at major news outlets depicted the Trump administration’s decision as variously a spineless concession to the evil Russian puppet master and/or a wretched abandonment of a supposedly noble US commitment to “freedom and democracy.”
U.S. Policies in the #Middle_East under the Trump Presidency
Donald Trump has not yet formulated a clear foreign policy doctrine. Bur state appointments as well as the first decisions taken about #Syria or #Yemen, or the decision to use the most powerful US non-atomic bomb in Afghanistan, reveal some broad orientations of the future US policy in the Middle East. President Trump undertook the first substantive foreign policy initiative of his presidency on April 5 when he authorized U.S. military action in the aftermath of the chemical weapons attack (...)
Not Just for the Sake of Syrians, but for Our Sake
Precisely the Arabs in Israel, who are fighting discrimination and oppression, must not stutter when it comes to the injustices perpetrated across the border
Odeh Bisharat Apr 10, 2017 12:16 AM
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What can the Arabs in Israel do for their Syrian brethren? They have no army, no diplomatic clout, no logistical capabilities that could allow them to offer civilian support. The only thing that remains is moral support – words. “You have neither horses nor treasure to give … so let the words rejoice if circumstances be grim,” said the poet Al-Mutanabbi. But the Arab leadership in Israel has failed in the realm of words as well.
The truth is that even if the Arabs in Israel manage to give verbal support to Syria’s citizens, that will not change the balance of power at all between U.S. President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin, or between Syrian President Bashar Assad’s murderers and the fanatics backed by Qatar. In the situation we’re in, the battle over what position should be taken toward Syria is a battle over the moral image of Arab society in Israel, over its attitude toward the terrible massacre going on across the border.
>> Israeli Arab party fails to condemn Assad’s gas attack in Syria, slams U.S. strikes <<
And if in the hard days of the chemical-weapons assault on Khan Sheikhoun almost none of the leaders of Arab society in Israel saw fit to condemn the Syrian regime, that’s cause for concern. Even those who did condemn it, by the way, did so weakly, to the point where it could not be said whether the statements were condemnation or commentary.
Condemnation of Assad produces furious responses from his supporters, as if he were Mother Theresa, censured out of nowhere. But Assad was part of a bloody regime even before the appearance of ISIS and the Nusra Front. On June 26, 1980, when Hafez Assad waited on the steps of the presidential palace to welcome an African guest, two bombs were thrown at him, miraculously missing their target. Revenge was quick to follow. The next day, June 27, at dawn, a group of some 60 soldiers, led by Muin Nassif, deputy of Rifaat Assad, the president’s brother, boarded helicopters and flew to the Tadmor Prison in the heart of the desert. There, the soldiers broke up into smaller groups and opened fire on the prisoners locked in their cells. Five hundred prisoners were murdered in cold blood. That story appears in Patrick Seale’s biography of the senior Assad.
The Syrian war shakeout is changing the Mideast’s balance of power - Middle East News
Turkey’s intervention has created a rift with Iran, Jordan-Syria ties are tightening and America’s absence could weaken the Saudis. The alliances emerging in Syria will determine the fate the region.
Zvi Bar’el Feb 27, 2017 1
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Secondary relationships born of the Syrian civil war could have a greater impact on the future of the country and the region than the war itself. While the warring parties are busy holding onto and expanding territorial gains, finding funds and arms and jockeying for position in future negotiations, the smaller players are crafting long-range strategies that will divide the region à la the 1916 Sykes-Picot Agreement.
The secondary relationships are alliances and rivalries that developed between global powers such as Russia and the United States, and between local powers such as Iran, Turkey and Saudi Arabia. But the term is inaccurate in a sense because the Syrian war has long become a proxy war in which the payer of the bills dictates the military movements while changing proxies based on battlefield success.
More importantly, the alliances between the sponsors and “their” militias create the balance of political forces between the powers. For example, Russia uses the Kurds in Syria as a bargaining chip against Turkey, whose cooperation with the Free Syrian Army creates a rift between Ankara and Tehran. Meanwhile, Jordan’s strikes on the Islamic State in southern Syria boost the Russian-Jordanian coalition and Jordan’s ties with the Assad regime − and everyone is looking ahead to "the day after.”
The latest development puts Turkish-Iranian relations to the test. Speaking at the Munich Security Conference a week ago Sunday, Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu called on Iran to stop threatening the region’s stability and security. The remark wasn’t only unusually blunt but also seemed to come from an American talking-points page. Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Bahram Ghasemi responded the next day, warning that while Turkey was an important neighbor, “there is a certain cap to our patience.”
Tehran and Ankara are deeply divided over the Assad regime, and particularly over whether the Syrian president should stay on after a negotiated settlement. But these disagreements didn’t affect the two countries’ bilateral trade of some $10 billion a year.
Iran was the first country to denounce the failed coup attempt in Turkey last July, and President Hassan Rohani is on track for a fourth visit to Ankara in April. Tehran and Ankara share an interest in preventing the establishment of an independent Kurdish region in Syria that could inspire the Kurds in Iran and Turkey.
But Ankara and Tehran are each deeply suspicious of the other’s strategic ambitions. Turkey believes that Iran seeks to turn Iraq and Syria into Shi’ite states, while Iran is sure that Turkish President Recet Tayyip Erdogan dreams of reestablishing the Ottoman Empire.
The Iranians were apprehensive about the liberation, by Turkish forces and the Free Syrian Army, of al-Bab, a city around 30 kilometers from Aleppo, even though the defeated party was the Islamic State. The Iranians were worried because control over al-Bab, whose liberation the Free Syrian Army announced Friday, opens up the route critical to retaking Raqqa, the Islamic State’s capital in Syria. Control over al-Bab is also key for taking control of the Iraq-Syria border, which Tehran views as critical.
From Climate Change to War
The work of researchers has established that climate change and the monopolisation of resources are factors in the development of armed conflict and terrorist groups. These relatively little-explored connections are relevant in many areas of the world, including #Syria, #Iraq, Burma and numerous African countries. A study by NASA found that between 1998 and 2012, drought in the Middle East was ’the worst for nine centuries’. Has this had an impact on the wars and conflicts that have affected (...)
Yarmouk : une guerre de tous contre tous
« Cela fait plus de 650 jours que Yarmouk vit sous siège, plus de 200 jours que l’eau et l’électricité sont coupés… la souffrance de Yarmouk ne date pas de quelques jours ! » rappelle Basela, 45 ans, Palestinienne de Syrie et activiste dans le domaine humanitaire. Alors qu’au mois d’avril, l’attention médiatique s’est dirigée pour un temps vers Yarmouk, camp de réfugiés palestiniens au sud de Damas, objet de l’incursion de l’organisation de l’État islamique (EI), le supplice vécu par sa population n’est pourtant pas un fait récent et sa fin ne semble pas s’annoncer.
Massivement déserté face à la montée des affrontements entre les forces du régime syrien et les groupes de l’opposition armée, Yarmouk héberge aujourd’hui environ 18 000 personnes qui sont la cible, depuis juillet 2013, d’un siège implacable. L’armée régulière et les milices du FPLP-CG bloquent l’accès nord du camp, interdisant la circulation de personnes et de denrées alimentaires. La violence qui s’est abattue depuis le 1er avril sur Yarmouk n’a fait qu’aggraver une crise humanitaire déjà manifeste, étouffant une vie civile qui, malgré le siège et le départ d’une grande partie de ses habitants, avait réussi à se maintenir grâce à l’action de multiples organisations civiles et d’activistes palestiniens.